EX  BIBLIOTHECA 
FRANCES  A.  YATES 


t)catb'0  flDo^ern  Xanguage  Sertes 


AN  INTRODUCTION 

TO 

VULGAR  LATIN 


BY 

C.  H.  GRANDGENT 

Professor  of  Romance  Languages  in  Harvard  University 


LONDON 

D.    C.    HEATH    &  COMPANY 
2  AND  3  rORTSMOUTII  STREET  KINGSWAY  W.  C. 


(3tbc  Clincrstlie  prejrf 

PRINTED  BY  H.  O.  HOUGHTON  &  CO. 
CAMBRIDGF,  MASS. 
U.S.A. 


PREFACE. 


"^^HILE  this  book  is  intended  primarily  for  students  of 
Romance  Philology,  it  will,  I  hope,  be  of  some  interest  to 
Classical  scholars  as  well.  Although  it  has  been  long  in  the 
making,  I  have  endeavored  to  keep  it,  at  every  stage,  abreast 
of  current  scholarship.  I  have  tried,  furthermore,  to  treat  all 
portions  of  the  subject,  not  exhaustively,  but  with  even  fulness; 
I  fear,  however,  that  the  Syntax  —  perhaps  unavoidably  — 
is  somewhat  scanty  as  compared  with  the  other  parts.  It  will 
be  seen  that  I  have  continually  furnished  abundant  references 
for  the  guidance  of  those  who  wish  to  look  further  into  special 
topics.  My  principal  authorities  are  listed  in  the  Biblio- 
graphy; others  are  cited  in  the  appropriate  places  in  the  text. 

C.  H.  Grandgent. 


m 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Pages 

MAPS   X,  xi 

The  Roman  Empire   x 

The  Neo-Latin  Territory  in  Europe   xi 

BIBLIOGRAPHY,  with  Abbreviations   xiii-xvi 

PHONETIC  ALPHABET  and  Other  Symbols    ....  xvii 

INTRODUCTION   1-5 

VOCABULARY   6-29 

Words  and  Their  Meanings   6-12 

Words  used  alike  in  Classic  and  in  Vulgar  Latin     ...  6 

Words  used  differently  in  Classic  and  in  Vulgar  Latin  .    .  7-8 

Sense  Restricted   7 

Sense  Extended   7-8 

Words  used  in  Classic  but  not  in  Vulgar  Latin    ....  8-9 

Synonyms   9 

Substitutes   9-10 

Particles   10 

Words  used  in  Vulgar  but  not  in  Classic  Latin    ....  io-i2 

Native  Words  

Foreign  Words   12 

Derivation   13-29 

Post-Verbal  Nouns   13 

Prefixes   13-16 

Prefixes  used  with  Nouns,  Adjectives,  and  Pronouns  .  13-14 

Prefixes  used  with  Verbs   14-16 

Suffixes   16-28 

Suffixes  for  Verbs   16-17 

Suffixes  for  Nouns   18-23 

Suffixes  for  Adjectives   23-25 

Suffixes  for  Adverbs   25-26 

Change  of  Suffix   27-28 

iv 


Table  of  Contents.  v 

Pages 

Compounds   28-29 

Nouns   28 

Adjectives   28 

Pronouns   28 

Verbs   28 

Adverbs   28-29 

Prepositions   29 

Conjunctions   29 

SYNTAX   30-59 

Order  of  Words   30-32 

Use  of  Words   32-41 

Nouns  and  Adjectives   32-34 

Comparison   33 

Numerals   33-34 

Pronouns   34-38 

Personal  and  Possessive  Pronouns   34 

Demonstratives   35-36 

Interrogatives  and  Relatives   36-37 

Indefinite  Pronouns   37-3^ 

Verbs   38 

Adverbs   38-39 

Prepositions   39-4 ' 

Conjunctions   41 

Use  of  Inflections   42-59 

Cases   42-48 

Locative   42-43 

Vocative   43 

Genitive   43-44 

Dative   44-45 

Ablative  ,   45-47 

Accusative   48 

Fall  of  Declension   48 

Verb-Forms   48 

Impersonal  Parts   48-51 

Supine   48-49 

Gerund   49 

Gerundive   49 

Future  Active  Participle   49 


vi  Table  of  Contents. 

Pages 

Present  Participle   50 

Perfect  Participle   50 

Infinitive   50~5I 

Voice   51-52 

Mood   52-54 

Imperative   52 

Subjunctive   52-54 

Tense   54-59 

The  Perfect  Tenses   54-56 

Future  and  Conditional   56-59 

PHONOLOGY  0  60-143 

Syllabication   60-61 

Accent    .   61-68 

Primary  Stress   61-66 

Vowels  in  Hiatus   61-62 

Compound  Verbs   62-63 

Iliac,  Illic   63 

Ficatum   63 

Numerals   64 

Greek  Words   64-66 

Greek  Oxytones   64 

Greek  Paroxytones   64-65 

Greek  Proparoxytones  ;  .    ,    .    .  65-^6 

Other  Foreign  Words   66 

Secondary  Stress   66-67 

Unstressed  Words   67-68 

Quantity   68-77 

Position  .    .    r   68-70 

Vowel  Quantity   l^~n 

Vowels  in  Hiatus   72-73 

Lengthening  before  Consonants   73-75 

Disappearance  of  the  Old  Quantity   75-76 

Development  of  a  New  Quantity   76-77 

Vowels   77-104 

Greek  Vowels   78-82 

Accented  Vowels  o    .    .    .    .  82-91 

Single  Vowels   82-87 

a  .   .    ,   ,   82-83 


Table  of  Contents.  vii 

Pages 

i   83-84 

<r   84 

t  .\   84 

r   84-85 

o   85-86 

S   86 

u   86-87 

ii   87 

Diphthongs   88-90 

a   88-89 

au   89-90 

eu   90 

ce   90 

ui   90 

Influence  of  Labials   91 

Clerical  Latin   91 

Unaccented  Vowels   91-104 

Unaccented  Vowels  in  Hiatus   93-96 

Initial  Syllable   96-98 

Intertonic  Syllable   98-99 

Penult   99-102 

Final  Syllable   102-104 

Consonants   104-143 

Latin  Consonants   106-137 

Aspirate   106-107 

Gutturals   107-114 

C  and  G  before  Front  Vowels   1 09-1 12 

C  and  G  before  Back  Vowels   112 

C  and  G  Final  and  before  Consonants   1 12-1 14 

Palatals   11 4-1 18 

Dentals   11 8-1 21 

Liquids   1 21-124 

L    121-123 

R    123-124 

Sibilants   124-126 

Nasals   127-132 

Labials   132-137 

P    132-133 


viii  Table  ot  Contents. 

Pag^s 

^    133-135 

^   135 

^    135-137 

^   137 

Greek  Consonants   1 37-141 

B,  r,A   138 

K,  n,T   138 

e,4>,  X  .   138-139 

Liquids,  Nasals,  and  Sibilants   140 

Z    140-141 

Germanic  Consonants   141-143 

MORPHOLOGY   144-187 

Nouns  and  Adjectives   144-161 

Gender   1 44-147 

Masculine  and  Feminine   144 

Masculine  and  Neuter   145-146 

Feminine  and  Neuter   146-147 

Declension  of  Nouns   147-156 

First  Declension    1 49-1 51 

Second  Declension   1 51-152 

Third  Declension   152-156 

Loss  of  Declension   156 

Declension  of  Adjectives   157-158 

Comparison   1 58-1 59 

Numerals   159- 161 

Pronouns  and  Pronominal  Adjectives   161-165 

Personal  Pronouns   161-162 

Possessives   162-163 

Dem  ojtstratives   163-164 

Interrogative  and  Relative  Pronouns   165 

Indefinite  Pronouns  and  Adjectives   165 

Verbs   166-187 

The  Four  Conjugations   166-170 

First  Conjugation   166-167 

Second  Conjugation   167 

Third  Conjugation   167-170 

Fourth  Conjugation   170 

Fundamental  Changes  in  Inflection   170-173 


Table  of  Contents.  ix 

Pages 

Inchoative  Verbs   173-174 

Present  Steins   174-176 

Imperfect   176-177 

Perfect   177-182 

Weak  Perfects   177-180 

Strong  Perfects   180-182 

Pluperfect  and  Future  Perfect   183 

Perfect  Participle   183-185 

Personal  Endings   186-187 

INDEX   189-219 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

WITH  ABBREVIATIONS. 


App.  Pr. :  Die  Appendix  Probi,  ed.  W.  Heraeus,  1899.  A  Latin  list  of 
correct  and  incorrect  spellings,  possibly  as  early  as  the  third  century. 
Ct.  Melanges  Renter  301-309;  Melajiges  Boissier  5-9;  Wietier  Stiidien 
XIV,  278 ff.;  Romanische  Forschungen  VII,  145  ff. 

Archly:  Archiv  fiir  laieinische  Lexicographie  und  Grammatik  mil  Eift' 
schluss  des  dlteren  Mittellateins.    Quarterly,  Leipzig. 

AudoUent:  A.  AudoUent,  Defixionum  Tabellae^  1904. 

Bausteine:  Bausteine  zur  romanischen  Philologies  "905-  A  volume  of  mis- 
cellaneous studies  issued  in  honor  of  A.  Mussafia. 

Bayard:  L.  Bayard,  Le  latin  de  saint  Cyprien,  1902. 

Bechtel :  E.  A.  Bechtel,  S.  Silviae  Peregrinatio,  The  Text  and  a  Study  of 

the  Latinity,  1902.    Cf.  Per. 
Bon. :  M.  Bonnet,  Le  latin  de  Grigoire  de  Tours,  1 890. 
Buck:  C.  D.  Buck,  A  Grammar  of  O  scan  and  Umbrian,  1904. 
Carnoy :  A.  Carnoy,  Le  latin  d'Espagne  d'apris  les  inscriptions,  2d  ed.,  1906. 
ChronolOgie :  F.  G.  Mohl,  Introduction  ci  la  chronologic  du  latin  vulgaire,  1 899. 
C.  I.  L. :  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinarum,  1863 — .    New  ed.    (Vol.  I, 

Part  i),  1893—. 

Claussen :  T.  Claussen,  Die  griechischen  Worter  im  Franz'dsischen,  in  Ro- 
manische Forschungen  XV,  774. 

C.  G.  L. :  G.  Goetz,  Corpus  Glossariorum  Latinorum,  Vol.  IV,  Codex  Vati- 
canus  3321. 

Cohn :  G.  Cohn,  Die  Suffixwandlungen  im  Vulgdrlatein  und  im  vorlittera- 
rischen  Franzosisch  nach  ihren  Spuren  i?n  N^eufranzdsischen.,  1 89 1. 

Cooper:  F.  T.  Cooper,  Word  Formation  in  the  Roman  Sertno  Plebeius,  1895. 

Corssen:  W.  Corssen,  Ueber  Aussprache,  Vocalismus  U7id  Betonung  der 
lateinischen  Sprache,  2d  ed.,  1868-70. 

D'Arbois:  H.  d'Arbois  de  Jubainville,  La  dSclinaison  en  Gaule  d.  Vipoque 
m  erovingien  ne,  1872. 

Densusianu:  O.  Densusianu,  Ilistoire  de  la  langue  roumaine,  Vol.  I,  1901. 

Dottin:  G.  Dottin,  Manuel  pour  servir  h  P etude  de  Vantiquitc  celtique,  1906. 

xiii 


xiv 


Bibliography. 


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1878. 

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Eckinger:  T.  Eckinger,  Z>/V  Orthographic  lateinischer  Worter  in  griechischen 

Inschriften,  1892. 

Edon  :  G.  fidon,  Ecriture  et prononciation  du  latin  savant  et  du  latin  popu- 
laire,  1882. 

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Sprachwissenschaft^  2d  ed.,  1909. 
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1893.    Reviewed  by  G.  Paris  in  Rom.  XXII,  569. 
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schen,  1883. 

Franz.  3  :  G.  Rydberg,  Zur  Geschichte  des  franzdsischen  9,  1896 — . 
Futurum  :  P.  Thielmann,  Habere  mit  dem  Infinitiv  und  die  Entstehung  des 

romanischen  Euturums,  in  Archiv  II,  48,  157. 
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Jerome,  1884. 

Gl.  Cassel:  Kasseler  Glossen  in  Altfranzdsisches  Uebungsbuch,^ ,  Foerster 
and  E.  Koschwitz,  2d  ed.,  1902.  Made,  probably  in  France,  in  the  eighth 
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Gl.  Reich:  Reichenauer  Glossen  in  Altfranzdsisches  Uebungsbuch,  W.  Foer- 
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Die  Reichenauer  Glossen  in  Zs.,  Beiheft  7;  J.  Stalzer,  Z>/V  Reichenauer 
Glossen  der  Handschrift  Karlsruhe  11^  in  Sitzungsberichte  der  philoso- 
phisch-historischen  Klasse  der  Kaiserlichen  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften 
CLII,  Vienna,  1906  (see  W.  Foerster  in  Zs.  XXXI,  513,  XXXVI, 
47). 

Gram.:  W.  Meyer-Liibke,  Grammaire  des  langues  romanes,  3  vols.,  1890— 
1900. 

Gnindriss  :  G.  Grober,  Grundriss  der  romanischen  Philologie.,  2  vols.,  1888- 

1902  ;  2d  ed.  of  Vol.  I,  1904  — . 
Haag  :  O.  Haag,  Die  Latinitdt  Fredegars,  1898. 

Hammer :  M.  Hammer,  Die  locale  Verbreitutig  friihester  romanischer  Laut- 

wandlungen  im  alten  Italien,  1894. 
Hoppe:  H.  Hoppe,  Syntax  und  Stil  des  Tertullian,  1903. 
Keil:  H.  Keil,  Grammatici  Latiniy  1857-1880. 


Bibliography. 


XV 


Kluge :  F.  Kluge,  Romanen  und  Germanen  in  ihren  Wechselbeziehungen,  in 

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.879. 

Lat.  Spr.  :  W.  Meyer- Liibke,  Die  lateinische  Sprache  in  den  romanischen 

Liindern,  in  Grundriss,  I"^,  451. 
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1 90 1 . 

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Lindsay:  W.  M.  Lindsay,  The  Latin  Language^  1894. 

Lbfstedt:  E.  Lbfstedt,  Beitrdge  zur  Kenntniss  der  spdteren  Latinitdt,  1907. 
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Leipzig. 

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Neue  ;  F.  Neue,  Formenlehre  der  lateinischen  Sprache^  3d  ed.,  1892-1902. 

Neumann:  Franz  Neumann,  Verzeichniss  der  aiif  Aussprache  und  Recht- 
schreibung  beziiglichen  Eigenthilimlichkeiten  ifi  den  Jnschriften  aus  Gallia 
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Olcott :  G.  N.  Olcott,  Studies  in  the  Word  Formation  of  the  Latin  Inscriptions; 
Substantives  and  Adjectives,  with  special  reference  to  the  Latin  Sermo  Vul- 
garis, 1898. 

Oliver:  A.  Oliver,  Observations  on  the  Use  of  Certain  Prepositions  in  Petro- 
nius  with  special  reference  to  the  Roman  Sermo  Plcbeius,  1899. 

Part.  Perf.:  P.  Thielmann,  Habere  mit  detn  Part.  Pcrf  Pass.,  in  Archiv  II, 
372,  509- 

Per. :  Peregrinatio  ad  loca  sa7icta,  ed.  P.  Geyer,  in  Itinera  hierosolyjnitana 
scEculi  iiii-viii,  1898.  Written  probably  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury by  an  ignorant  nun,  perhaps  from  Spain.  See  Bechtel.  Cf.  J.  T. 
Gamurrini,  S.  Hilarii  Tractatus  de  Mystcriis  et  Ilymni  ct  S.  Silvia:  Aqui- 
tan(P  Peregrinatio  ad  loca  sancta,  1887,  and  .S'.  Silvicc  Aquitana:  Peregrinatio 
ad  loca  sancta,  1888;  M.  Ferotin,  Le  veritable  auteur  de  la  Peregrinatio 
Silvice  in  Revue  des  questions  historiques  LXXIV  (N.S.XXX),  367 ff.;  J. 
Anglade,  De  latinitate  libelli  qui  inscriptus  est  Peregrinatio  ad  loca  sancta, 
1905  ;  W.  Heraeus,  Silvice  vel potius  ALtherice  Peregrinatio  ad  loca  sancta, 
1908;  E.  Lofstedt,  Philologischer  Kommentar  zur  Peregrinatio  ^thericE, 
191 1.  Cf.  E.  Wolfflin  in  Archiv  lY,  259;  P.  Geyer  in  Archiv  XV,  233;  D.  D. 
de  Bruyne  in  Revue  Benedictine,  1909,  481;  K.  Meister  in  Rheinisches 


xvi 


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Phon. :  P.  Marchot,  Petite  phonetique  du  fran<;ais  prelitteraire,  1901. 
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silben,  1888. 

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xvii 


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Works  to  which  only  occasional  reference  is  made  are  cited  in  full  in  the 
text. 


PHONETIC  ALPHABET 

AND  OTHER  SYMBOLS. 


P  =  bilabial  v,  the  sound  of  Spanish  v  and  b. 

d  =  the  sound  of  //^  in  English  t/iis. 

9  —  the  sound  of  e  in  French  me. 

I)  =z  the  sound  of      in  English  /on^-. 

6  =  rounded  e,  the  sound  of  German  o. 

p  =  the  sound  of  //i  in  English 

ii  =  rounded  /,  the  sound  of  German  ii. 

^  =  the  sound  of  cA  in  German  ac/i. 

•  (a  dot)  under  a  vowel  letter  shows  that  the  vowel  is  close, 
(a  hook)  under  a  vowel  letter  shows  that  the  vowel  is  open. 

^  (a  semicircle)  under  a  vowel  letter  shows  that  the  vowel  is  not  syllabic. 
/  (an  acute  accent)  after  a  consonant  letter  shows  that  the  consonant  is 
palatal. 

*  (an  asterisk)  before  a  word  shows  that  the  form  is  conjectural,  not 

attested. 

^  indicates  derivation,  the  source  standing  at  the  open  end  of  the  figure, 

whichever  way  it  be  turned. 
SMALL  CAPITALS  mean  that  the  forms  so  printed  occur  in  inscriptions 

(but  this  indication  is  used  only  when  for  some  special  reason  it 

seems  desirable). 

The  other  marks  and  abbreviations  employed  are  so  generally  accepted 
as  to  need  no  explanation. 


xviii 


AN  INTRODUCTION  TO  VULGAR  LATIN. 


1.  The  extent  of  the  Roman  Empire  is  shown  by  the  map 
on  p.  X.  Throughout  this  territory  the  official  language  was 
Latin,  originally  the  speech  of  Latium,  a  little  district  on  the 
Tiber.  The  Latin  tongue  was  thus  extended  to  many  peoples, 
representing  different  races,  civilizations,  and  linguistic  habits. 
In  central  Italy  it  was  adopted  by  Etruscans  and  by  various 
Italic  tribes,  in  northern  Italy  by  Ligurians,  Celts,  and  Illy- 
rians,  in  southeastern  and  southwestern  Italy  respectively  by 
Illyrians  and  Greeks;  beyond  the  peninsula  it  spread  among 
Iberians,  Ligurians,  Celts,  Aquitanians,  Semites,  Germanic 
tribes,  and  others  still.  The  Latinization  of  these  peoples 
was  the  work  of  several  centuries^:  by  272  b.  c.  all  Italy 
was  subdued  south  of  the  Macra  and  the  Rubicon;  Sicily 
became  a  province  in  241,  Sardinia  and  Corsica  in  238; 
Venetia  cast  her  lot  with  Rome  in  215;  Spain  was  made  a 
province  in  197;  Illyria  was  absorbed  after  167,  Africa  after 
the  fall  of  Carthage  in  146,  southern  Gaul  in  120;  the  Cim- 
bri  and  Teutones  were  destroyed  in  102-1;  northern  Gaul 
was  a  province  in  50,  Raetia  in  15;  Dacia  was  colonized  in 
107  A.  D.,  forsaken  in  the  third  century,  and  quite  cut  off 
from  the  rest  of  the  Latin-speaking  world  in  the  sixth.  The 
Latin  language  never  gained  a  foothold  in  Greece;  political 
changes  drove  it  from  Great  Britain,  the  Orient,  and  Africa; 
in  the  rest  of  the  Empire  it  has  remained,  for  the  most  part, 


*See  Mohl,  Chronologic ;  also  Meyer-Liibke,  Lat.  Spr.,  pp.  451-455. 

I 


2 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


until  the  present  day,  and  has  been  carried  thence  to  Amer- 
ica, Africa,  and  Asia.  The  map  on  p.  xi  marks  the  parts  of 
Europe  where  Latin  in  its  modern  forms  is  now  spoken. 

2.  The  Latin  tongue,  like  every  living  language,  has  always 
been  in  an  unstable  condition.  The  evidence  of  inscriptions 
and  of  grammarians  indicates  that  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end  of  Roman  history  speech  was  constantly  changing,  the 
alteration  being  most  rapid  in  the  earliest  and  the  latest 
periods.  Furthermore,  there  were  at  all  times,  but  especially 
before  the  Social  War,  considerable  local  divergences.  The 
Latin-speaking  peoples  were  not  homogeneous,  and  their 
speech  reflected  their  varied  origin.  In  Italy  the  language 
of  Latium  was  adopted  by  tribes  using,  in  the  main,  kindred 
languages.  At  first  there  was  sturdy  resistance;  until  the 
conflict  of  90-89  B.  c.  all  southern  Italy  was  under  Oscan 
influence,  and  Oscan  was  used  in  inscriptions  until  the  first 
century  of  our  era.^  When  Latin  conquered,  it  blended  more 
or  less  with  the  native  idioms;  the  resulting  geographical  dis- 
crepancies are  manifest  in  early  monuments.  The  Social  War, 
however,  had  a  levelling  effect,  and  speech  in  Italy  became 
more  uniform;  but  there  doubtless  were  still  noticeable  dif- 
ferences in  pronunciation  and  even  in  vocabulary.^  In  the 
outlying  provinces,  and  to  some  degree  in  the  peninsula, 
Latin  was  simply  substituted  for  foreign  tongues,  and  there 
was  little  or  no  mixture;  nevertheless  a  few  native  words 
I  were  kept,  and  there  must  have  been  a  variety  of  accent.  It 
should  be  remembered,  moreover,  that  the  language  carried 

^  See  Chronologie  133  and  116-120.  Oscan  forms  are  ligud  for  lege,pru  for  pro, 
ni  for  ne,  etc. 

2  The  S.  Italian  nn  for  nd,  ?  for  e,  and  for  0  may  be  Oscan.  Pomex,  elex  for 
pumex^  Uex  are  perhaps  Umbrian  :  Lat.  Spr.  445,  464.  The  Italian  word  zavorra 
is  possibly  Etruscan :  Chronologie  98-99. 


§  3]  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  3 

to  the  several  provinces  was  not  identical:  it  represented 
different  chronological  stages  and  different  local  dialects  of 
Italic  Latin;  the  earlier  acquisitions  received  a  more  popular, 
the  later  colonies  a  more  official  speech.  Administration  and 
military  service  tended  to  obliterate  distinctions;  under  the 
Empire  the  variations  probably  came  to  be  no  greater  than 
those  now  to  be  found  in  the  English  of  the  British  Empire. 
We  may  say  in  general  that  the  Roman  territory,  excepting 
Greece  and  the  East,  was  completely  Latinized  by  the  fourth 
century  after  Christ. 

3.  With  the  beginnings  of  culture  and  literature  there 
came  inevitably  a  divergence  between  the  language  of  the 
upper  and  that  of  the  lower  classes,  and  also  between  city 
and  country  speech.  Literary  influence  is  conservative  and 
refining,  while  popular  usage  tends  to  quick  change.  In  late 
Republican  and  early  Imperial  times  educated  speech  became 
highly  artificial,  drawing  away  from  the  everyday  language; 
on  the  other  hand,  the  common  idiom,  throughout  the  Re- 
public and  the  Empire,  was  constantly  developing  away  from 
the  archaic  standard  of  elegant  parlance.^  What  we  call  Vul- 
gar Latin  is  the  speech  of  the  middle  classes,  as  it  grew  out 
of  early  Classic  Latin.  It  is  not  an  independent  offshoot  of 
Old  Latin:  it  continues  the  Classic,  not  the  primitive,  vowel 
system.^  Neither  is  it  the  dialect  of  the  slums  or  of  the 
fields:  grammarians  tell  us  of  not  a  few  urban  and  rustic 
vulgarisms  that  are  not  perpetuated  in  the  Romance  tongues. 
It  is  distinct  from  the  consciously  polite  utterance  of  cul- 
tivated society,  from  the  brogue  of  the  country,  and  from  the 
slang  of  the  lowest  quarters  of  the  city,  though  affected  by 
all  of  these.®    Vulgar  Latin  naturally  developed  differently  in 

1  Cf.  J.  Marouzeau,  Notes surla fixation  du  latin  classique  in  Memoires  de  la 
ciete  de  Linguistique  de  Paris,  XVII,  266. 

«  Cf.  Lat.  Spr.  463-464.    3  Cf .  Cooper  XV-XXX;  VV.  Konjetzny  in  Archiv  XV,  297. 


4  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§4 


various  localities,  as  far  as  the  levelling  influence  or  school 
and  army  permitted  ;  the  universal  inclination  of  language  to 
diverge  was  reinforced  by  the  original  habits  of  the  diverse 
speakers  and  by  such  peculiarities  of  native  accent  as  had 
survived.^  The  differentiation  progressed,  being  accelerated 
when  schools  decayed  and  military  was  replaced  by  ecclesiastic 
cal  organization,  until  the  dialects  of  distant  localities  became 
mutually  unintelligible.  At  this  point  we  may  say  that  Vulgar 
Latin  stops  and  the  Romance  languages  begin.  Although 
any  definite  date  must  be  arbitrary,  we  may  put  it,  roughly 
speaking,  in  the  sixth  or  seventh  century  of  our  era.  The 
Vulgar  Latin  period  lasts,  then,  from  about  200  b.  c.  to  about 
600  A.  D. ;  it  is  most  sharply  differentiated  from  Classic  Latin 
in  the  last  few  centuries  of  this  epoch.'^ 

4.  If  we  compare  Classic  and  Vulgar  Latin,  we  shall  see 
that  the  latter  was  always  tending  to  become  more  flexible 
and  more  explicit.  We  note  an  enormous  development  of 
modifying  and  determining  words,  such  as  articles  and  prepo- 
sitions, and  an  abundant  use  of  prefixes  and  sufiixes.  We 
I  find  also  a  great  simplification  of  inflections,  due  partly  to 
phonetic  but  mainly  to  syntactic  causes.  Furthermore,  we 
observe  certain  changes  in  pronunciation,  some  of  which  can 
be  ascribed  to  an  inclination  to  discard  those  parts  of  words 
that  are  not  necessary  for  their  identification  (as  when  viridis, 
vetulus  become  virdis,  veclus),  some  to  a  tendency  to  assimi- 
late unlike  adjacent  sounds  (so  ipse  is  spoken  isse^  and  the 
diphthong  ai  is  reduced  to  e),  some  to  a  desire  for  differen- 
tiation (which  lowers  i  to  e  to  make  it  more  remote  from  i), 
some  to  unknown  reasons.    Why,  for  instance,  ai  almost 

iCf.  Sittl  and  Hammer;  Pirson  and  Carnoy;  also,  for  African  Latin,  B.  Kiibler 
in  Archiv  VIII,  i6i. 

*  For  a  history  of  the  Latin  language,  see  Lat.  Spr.  492-497. 


§  5]  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  5 


universally  became  e,  while  au  did  not  in  Latin  generally 
become  o,  is  a  problem  as  yet  unsolved. 

5.  Our  sources  of  information^  concerning  the  current 
spoken  Latin  are:  the  statements  of  grammarians'^;  the  non- 
Classic  forms  occurring  in  inscriptions  and  early  manu- 
scripts^; the  occasional  lapses  in  cultivated  authors,  early 
and  late ;  a  few  texts  written  by  persons  of  scanty  education  ; 
some  glossaries  and  lists  of  incorrect  forms ;  and,  most  im- 
portant of  all,  the  subsequent  developments  of  the  Romance 
languages.*  All  of  these  are  to  be  used  with  caution.  Of 
especial  value  are  the  Peregrinatio  ad  loca  sancta^  a  consider- 
able fragment  of  a  description  of  travel  in  the  East,  by  an 
uneducated  woman  (probably  a  Spanish  nun)  of  the  latter 
part  of  the  fourth  century^;  the  Appendix  Frobi^  a  list  of 
good  and  bad  forms,  possibly  as  early  as  the  third  century"; 
the  veterinary  treatise  known  2,s  Mulomedicina  Chironis"^ ;  the  so- 
called  Glossary  of  Reichcnau^  made  in  France  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury.^ There  is  an  interesting  collection  of  curses  by  A.  Audol- 
lent, — DeJixio7inm  TabellcB,  1904. 

iCf.  Meyer-Liibke,  Z,rt^.  Spr.  455-461;  G.  Grbber,  Sprachquellen  und  Wort- 
quellen  des  lateinischen  Worterbuchs  in  Arch'iv  I,  35. 

2  Utilized  by  E.  Seelmann,  Anssprache  des  Laie'tn,  1885.  For  a  brief  account  of 
the  Latin  grammarians,  see  Stolz,  55-67. 

3  Used  by  H.  Schiichardt,  Vokaltsmus  des  Vulgdrlaieins,  1866-68.  For  papyri  see 
Travaglio,  For  coins  see  M.  Prou  in  Melanges  de philolog'ie  romane  et  d'histoire  lit- 
tcraire  offerts  h  M.  Maurice  VVilmotte,  1910,  523,  This  volume  contains  on  p.  485 
PampJilets  bas-latins  du  VI silcle  by  J.  Pirson. 

4  For  the  chronology  of  developments,  the  distinction  of  learned  and  popular  words, 
and  the  establishment  of  unattested  Vulgar  Latin  words,  see  G.  Grober,  in  Arclitv  I, 
204  ff.,  and  VII,  25  ff.  Something  can  be  learned  from  the  charters  and  laws  of  the 
barbarians  :  cf.  F.  Schramm,  Spracliliches  zur  Lex  Salica,  191 1. 

5  See  Bibliography  :  Beclitel  and  Per.  ;  note  E.  Wolfflin,  Ueber  die  Laiinitdt  der 
Peregrinatio  ad  loca  sancta  in  Archiv  IV,  259. 

6  See  W.  WtxTE.xi'f,,  Die  Appendix  Probi,  1899,  7,ur  Appendix  Pr obi  m  Archiv 
XI,  61,  Die  Appendix  Probi  in  ArcJiiv  XI,  301  ;  G.  Paris  in  Melanges  Renter  301, 
Melanges  Boissiery,  W.  Fcurster  in  Wiener  St  udien  XIV,  278. 

^See  Bibliography  ;  E.  Lommatzsch,  Zur  Mnlomedicinn  Chironis  in  Archil  XII, 
40  r ,  5  5 1 ,  and  W.  H  erajus,  Ziir  Spr  ache  der  Mitlomedicina  Chironis  in  A  rchivX  I V^,  1 1  q 
8  See  Bibliography. 


I.  VOCABULARY.* 


A.  WORDS  AND  THEIR  MEANINGS. 

6.  It  is  natural  that  the  speech  of  the  literary  and  fashion- 
able classes  should  differ  from  that  of  the  common  people;  so 
it  is  in  all  civilized  communities.  Literature  inclines  to  extend 
the  senses  of  words,  popular  use  tends  to  restrict  them.  The 
polite  language,  too,  has  many  poetic  figures  and  many  abstract 
terms  unknown  to  the  crowd.  On  the  other  hand,  the  vulgar 
idiom  has  homely  metaphors  of  its  own  and  numerous  specific, 
technical  words  not  found  in  literature. 

1.  WORDS  USED  ALIKE  IN  CLASSIC  AND  VULGAR  LATIN. 

7.  This  class  includes  a  great  mass  of  words,  forming,  so 
to  speak,  the  nucleus  of  the  language.  Examples  are :  canis^ 
filius^  mater^  pajiis^  pater,  puteus,  vacca ;  a/ius,  bonuSy  longus^ 
viridis;  ama?'e,  audire,  dicere,  vendere;  bene,  male;  quando,  si;  in, 

1  See  A.  Hatzfeld,  A.  Darmesteter,  and  A.  Thomas,  Dictionnaire  general  de  la 
langue  franqaise,  11,  Traite  de  la  formation  de  la  langue  fran^aise  ;  Densusianu, 
1S5-203  ;  W.  HerzBiis,  Die  rbmische  SoUlatensprache  in  Arc/iiv  Xll,  255,  Die  Sprache 
der  romischen  Kinderstube  in  Archiv  Xlll,  149;  J.  G.  Kempf,  Komanorum  sermo 
castrensis  quid  sit  quibusque  e  font^bus  quaque  via  ac  ratione  eius  reliquice  hauri- 
antur  in  JahrbUcher  fiir  classische  Fhilologie,  Suppl.  XXVI,  342.  For  an  approxi- 
mately complete  vocabulary,  reconstructed  out  of  Romance  words,  see  G.  Korting, 
Lateinish-romanisches  Wdrterbtich,  1907.  For  a  thorough  discussion  of  recon- 
structed forms,  see  G.  Grober,  Vulgar lateinische  Substrate  romanischer  Worter  in 
Archiv:  1,  233  ff,  {abbreviare  —  buttis),  539  ff.  {caccubus  —  curbus)  ;  II,  100  ff. 
{damnum  —  dui),  276  ff.  {eber  —/iticuin),  424  ff.  {flagrare  —gutta) ;  III,  138  ff. 
{hcedus  —  ilicem),  264  ff.  {ille  —  lamma),  507  ff.  {lacusta  —  mille)\  IV,  1 16  ff.  {mina- 
cice  —  nutrire),  422  ff.  {obedire  — putidus)^  V,  125  ff.  {quadraginta  —  rasculare), 
234  ff.  {reburrus  —  runcare),  453  ff.  {sabanum  —  suus);  VI,  117  ff.  (tabanus  — 
zirulare),  377  ff.  (supplement.) 

6 


§10] 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


7 


2.  WORDS  USED  DIFFERENTLY  IN  CLASSIC  AND  IN 
VULGAR  LATIN. 

8.  Very  many  Classic  words  are  used  in  Vulgar  Latin  with 
a  different  sense:  compararc —  focus paga7ius=. 
'pagan',  viaticum  = ''\o\xxx\^y\  Capit  assumed  the  meaning 
of  fieri  potest:  R.  351-352,  noji  capit  prophetam  perire^  etc.; 
Hoppe  48,  hcec  cestimare  non  capita  tion  capit  utiqiie  videri  Deus. 

Most  of  the  examples  can  be  classified  under  the  heads  of 
restriction  or  extension  of  meaning* 

a.  SENSE  RESTRICTED. 

9.  This  happens  frequently,  a  word  assuming  a  more  defi- 
nite or  concrete  signification  :  cog7iatus  =  '  brother-in-law  ' ; 
collocare  —  'put  to  bed'  {se  col/ocare  =  'go  to  bed',  Bon.  286); 
dominicus  —  divinus ;  ingenium  =  ^\x\c\i\  Bon.  283;  lectio  — 
*text';  machinari  = ^xvciA' \  mulier  —  ^^Hq^-^  necare  —  'dTOVJn\ 
Bon.  286,  Dubois  220;  orl?us  z=  ^h\ind';  t?'actatus  =  ^tresitise'. 

Many  words  kept  their  literal  but  lost  their  metaphorical 
sense:  captio=^2ict  of  taking',  G.  243,  not  'sophism'  nor 
'deceit';  r^^//r  =  *oak',  not  'strength',  'authority',  nor  'best 
part'. 

b.  SENSE  EXTENDED.! 

10.  The  general  use  of  a  word  in  an  extended  sense  is  not 
common,  but  there  are  some  examples: /"(^^rZ/j-  =  'strong'  in  all 
senses.  Bayard  105;  i?i/ans  =  ^ch'i\d\  Pirson  2C^'j-2^S;  parentes 
= 'relatives',  Pirson  260-262;  se  plicare  — '■go\  Per.  46,11, 
etc.;  villa  =  'town',  G.  272. 

Many  words,  however,  assume  a  new  meaning  in  addition 
to  the  old  one:  amdulare  z= 'm3.vch\  Archiv  XII,  269-270, 
Bechtel  137,  etc.,  and  also  'continue',  Regnier  24,  perhaps 

^Cf.  Bayard  63-202,  Bon.  235-328,  Dubois  185-225,  Quillacq  54-79. 


8  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  ii 

*go'j  y^^r^r^  = '  pass  (time)',  Regnier  27  {quadraginta  dies  fedt\ 
Per.  66,  n  {fecimus  ibi  bidiium),  etc.  •,  fascia  means  a  measure 
of  land,  Pirson  255  ;  /labet  is  used  like  the  French  ii  y  a 
(Old  French  G.  422  {in  area  Noe  .  .  .  habuit  serpentes\ 
Regnier  29  {in  came  paucas  habet  virgines  sanctimoniales), 
Bechtel  127  {habebat  de  eo  loco  forsitan  quattuor  milia^  etc.), 
Per,  37,13,  etc.;  homo  has  the  sense  of  French  on^  Regnier  20, 
Dubois  218;  ////f=:*the'  and  'he',  Bechtel  144,  Bon.  258  ff.; 
populus  minutus—^ common  people',  Waters  Ch.  44;  replicare— 
*  reply',  Dubois,  204;  res  is  used  of  persons,  Waters  Ch.  58 
{bella  res);  satis  =  'much'.  Bayard  83, /Vr.  38,25,  etc.;  unus  — 
*a',  Bechtel  144;  virtutes  —  'miracles'  (in  imitation  of  the 
Greek),  Bayard  94. 

So  various  prepositions  and  conjunctions  (as^^,  apud^  cum, 
deeper,  and  quasi,  quia,  quod,  quomodo)  assumed  new  functions. 
Unde  came  to  mean  'and  so',  Bon.  328. 

3.  WORDS  USED  IN  CLASSIC  BUT  NOT  IN  VULGAR  LATIN. 

II.  Numerous  Classic  Latin  words  either  were  not  em- 
ployed at  all  in  the  vulgar  speech  or  went  out  of  use  before 
the  earliest  monuments  of  the  Romance  languages:  so  funus, 
jubere,  proles.  Very  many  adverbs  and  conjunctions  dis- 
appeared :  an,  at,  autem,  diu,  donee,  enim,  ergo,  etiam,  haiidy 
igitur,  ita,  nam,  postquam,  quidem,  ^uin,  quippe,  quoad,  quoque, 
saltern,  sed,  sive,  ut,  utrum,  vel,  etc. ;  tamen  must  have  been 
moribund,  although  it  is  common  in  the  Peregrinatio.  Poetic 
terms  and  some  abstract  nouns  were  not  needed:  aurora, 
frondifer,  horreseere,  fietus.  Ecclesiastical  Latin,  to  be  sure,  is 
very  rich  in  abstract  nouns  (G.  391—397,  Dubois  301-308), 
but  most  of  them  are  new  formations.  When  lost  terms  were 
needed  for  literary  or  other  purposes,  they  were  either  bor- 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


9 


rowed  from  Classic  or  clerical  Latin  (as  nobilis)  or  replaced 
by  new  constructions  (as  * carrica  for  onus). 

a.  SYNONYMS. 

12.  When  Latin  had  two  words  nearly  synonymous,  one 
often  crowded  out  the  other:  atrium  gave  way  to  cors;  cur  to 
quare;  equus  to  caballus,  R.  472;  ferre  to portare^  Dubois  220; 
ludus  to  jocus;  magnus  to  grandis ;  os  to  bucca^  R.  472  ;  parentes 
to  genitores^  Olcott  XXV ;  se7iex  to  vetulus. 

Sometimes  the  survivor  was  far  from  a  synonym  in  Classic 
Latin:  discere  was  displaced  by  apprendere ;  domus  by  casa^ 
mansiOj  hospitaW^;  eviere  by  comparare ;  humerus  by  spatula, 
R.  324;  ignis  by  focus,  R.  313;  nimc  by  hora;  omnes  by  toti, 
R.  338,  Zs.  XXXIII,  143  ;  quot,  tot  hy  quanti,  tanti,  R.  336,  337  ; 
urbs  by  civitas,  Dubois  209,  and  by  villa^  G.  272. 

b.  SUBSTITUTES. 

13.  Sometimes  a  term  was  replaced  by  a  word  not  found  in 
Classic  Latin  at  all :  anser  was  driven  out  by  *auca  (<  *avica,  y 
diminutive  of  avis)  ;  noverca  by  *matraster ;  privignus  by  *filias-    ^  W 
ter;  vitricus  mostly  by  patraster.    Occasionally  the  substitute 
was  apparently  a  slang  word:  aliquis  yielded  in  part  to  res 
nata,  R.  345;  caput  to  testa'^;  cms  gave  way  to  gamba;  edere^  in 

the  main  tojnanducare,  Bechtel  i^o-^  ge?ia  to  gab ata. 

Some  words  were  replaced  by  diminutives,  some  nouns  by 
derivative  adjectives:  avis  by  aucellus;  avus  by  *aviolus;  sol  o-^j^ 

*  According  to  Olcott  XVIII,  casa  occurs  only  in  Italian  inscriptions,  mansio  (  — 
'dwelling')  only  in  Roman.  For  mansio,  cf.  R.  472,  Dubois  212.  Among  the  Ro- 
mance languages,  Rumanian,  Reetian,  Italian,  Spanish,  Portuguese  prefer  casa,  French 
and  Provencal  mansio  and  hospiiale.    Cf.  Zauner  41-42. 

*  CaJ>ui  (or  rather  *  capum)  is  preserved  by  Rumanian,  Raetian,  Italian,  Provencal, 
French;  testa  by  Italian,  Provencal,  French;  *capitia  {<:^caput)  by  Spanish  and 
Portuguese.   Cf.  Zauner  41-42. 


lo  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  15 

in  part  by  *soliculus;  vetus  for  most  part  by  vetulus;  dies  largely 
by  diurnus^  Gl.  Reich. ;  hiems  by  hibernum,  R.  472  j  mane  exten- 
sively by  matutinum.  Diminutives  were  extremely  common 
in  late  Latin:  G.  121-130  (cereolus,  schedula^  etc.)>  Oicott 
250-263  {gemellij  mammu/a  =  * gT3indmother\nauee//aj  neptilla^ 
etc.),  Dubois  147  {novellus).  Adjectives  used  as  nouns  were 
frequent  also:  R.  100-107  {arida,  infernus^  etc.),  G.  1 08-1 21 
(brevisj  credens^  infernus,  etc.). 

Occasionally,  too,  words  were  replaced  by  phrases:  diu  by 
longum  tempus  (Bon.  201,  paucum  tempus  for  haud  diu);  ver 
by  vernum  tempus,  Bon.  203,  and  other  phrases. 

c.  PARTICLES. 

14.  Many  prepositions,  conjunctions,  and  adverbs  were  lost 
by  subsitution. 

Ab  was  made  unnecessary  by  de  and  per;  apud  was  partially 
supplanted  by  ad;  cum,  in  Gaul,  yielded  to  apud;  ex  gave  way 
to  de,  R.  395-396;  ob  to  pro  and  per.  Fro,  doubtless  under 
the  influence  of  per,  became  ^por,  which  replaced  per  and  pro 
in  Spain  and  to  a  considerable  extent  in  northern  Gaul; 
southern  Gaul,  Italy,  and  Dacia  preferred  per.  Cis,  erga,  prcB^ 
propter  were  displaced  by  other  words. 

The  functions  of  an,  ne,  utrum  were  assumed  by  si;  the 
place  of  cum  was  taken  by  quando  and  other  conjunctions; 
quando,  quod,  quoniam  were  often  replaced  by  quomodo,  R.  403. 
Autem,  ergo,  etiam,  etsi,  igitur,  sed,  tamen,  ut  were  ousted  by 
various  substitutes.    Cf.  Densusianu,  184-185. 

4.  WORDS  USED  IN  VULGAR  BUT  NOT  IN  CLASSIC  LATIN. 

15.  Vulgar  Latin  evidently  had  many  words  that  do  not 
appear  in  Classic  texts.    Some  of  these  were  probably  old 


§  1 7]  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  ii 

native  terms  that  do  not  happen  to  occur  in  the  works  pre- 
served, some  were  late  creations,  some  were  borrowed  from 
other  languages. 

a.  NATIVE  WORDS. 

16.  Some  native  words  are  rarely  attested,  although  they 
were  doubtless  in  common  use:  amma,  Archiv  XIII,  154; 
atta,  Archiv  XIII,  154;  ^r^?  =  *  athlete',  Waters  Ch.  53,  Ch. 
63;  battalia,  Archiv  XII,  270-271;  branca,  Densusianu  196; 
circare  = ''\iMXi\,\  Archiv  VIII,  186;  cloppus,  Densusianu  196; 
drappus,  Substrate  II,  106,  Korting  (found  in  the  6th  century); 
Jicatufn,  Densusianu  190;  gavia  (used  by  Pliny);  mamma, 
Archiv  XIII,  1 51-152;  ?ionna,  nonnus,  Archiv  XIII,  156-157; 
pa{p)pa,  Archiv  XIII,  158,  Bayard  179  (applied  by  St.  Cyprian 
to  the  bishop  of  Carthage);  /^z/Z/^j"  grandfather',  Pirson 
243;  serutinus,  Audollent  199;  tata,  tatus,  Pirson  244,  Archiv 
XIII,  1 51-153;  trepalium,  Rom.  XVII,  421. 

17.  A  few  that  must  have  existed  are  not  attested  at  all: 
*refusa?'e,  Substrate  V,  234;  *  retina  =  'rein'.  Substrate  237; 
so  not  improbably  the  original  of  the  Romance  words  mean- 
ing 'touch',  and  perhaps  those  of  the  words  meaning  'find', 
'gape',  and  'go'  (cf.  §  405).  Likewise  words  made  by  ono- 
matopcea,  as  *  miaulare ;  cf.  M.  Grammont,  Onomatopees  et 
mots  expressifs  in  Revue  des  langues  rovianes  XLIV,  97. 

Some  of  the  unattested  words  were  obviously  late  develop- 
ments: ^ finis,  adj.  (Fr.,  Yx.  fin;  W.  fine  fino),  from  the  noun 
finis  in  such  phrases  as  honorum  finis,  pudoris  finis,  etc.  (so, 
e.g.,  fi7iis  honoris^  fijis  onors,  etc.),  E.  Herzog  in  Bausteine 
484;  *gentis,  adj.  (Fr.,  Pr.  gent.  It.  gente),  apparently  a  cross 
between  genitus  and  gentilis;  prode,  then  m.  and  f.  *prodis, 
adj.,  detached  from  prodest  (cf.  potis  est— potest,  Neue  II, 
176-177),  R.  468-469  {^quid  enim  prode  est  homini,  sed  non 
fuit  prode  illis,  hoc  enim  prode  fit  vobis,  etc.). 


12  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  19 


18.  Late  Latin  was  rich  in  derivatives,  some  of  popular 
creation,  some  made  by  Christian  writers.  According  to 
Olcott  XIX,  African  Latin  was  freest  in  word  formation. 
This  subject  will  be  discussed  at  length  in  the  following 
chapter,  but  a  few  examples  may  be  given  here:  post-verbal 
dolus  <^dolere^  Regnier  VIII;  ^ abbellire ;  *ausare;  carricarey 
Gl.  Reich.;  con/essor  =  ^msLVtyr' ^coraticum;  dulcor,  ^ dulcior 
—  'sweetness';  folUa;  * man{u)aria;  moderjtusy  Dubois  144; 
^nivicare;  *soliculus;  vkt(u)alia ;  ^ vir{^i)dura. 

b.  FOREIGN  WORDS. 

19.  A  few  Celtic  terms  were  adopted,  such  as  alauda, 
vertragus.  More  Germanic  words  (cf.  Gram.,  Introduction) 
found  their  way  intoXatin:  bannus^  Bon.  226;  hapja;  hariber- 
^um^  Gl.  Reich,  (cf.  alberca^  Pirson  236);  haunjan;  watan; 
werra. 

We  find  a  large  number  of  Greek  words,  a  few  of  them 
apparently  borrowed  by  popular  speech:  amygdalum;  cata^  a 
distributive  preposition,  verging  on  the  sense  of  'every',  R. 
247  {cata  mane  mane),  Bechtel  95  {cata  mansiones,  cata 
pascha),  cf.  §71;  colaphus;  dactylus,  Bon.  211;  sagma.  More 
came  in  through  the  Christian  vocabulary:  a?tgelus;  baptizare; 
blasphemare ;  etc.  Some  were  introduced  by  fashionable 
society,  which  affected  familiarity  with  Greek;  there  are  many 
Greek  words  in  Petronius:  hepatia,  Waters  Ch.  66;  schema^ 
Waters  Ch.  44. 

Very  many  Greek  terms  used  by  ecclesiastical  writers  never 
became  popular.  Cf.  G.  205-226:  anathema,  prop hetare,  zelare; 
numerous  verbs  in  —izare,  as  allegorizare,  anathematizare,  catechi- 
zare,  colaphizare,  evangelizare,  eunuchizare,  Judaizare,  propheti- 
zare,  sabbatizare,  scandalizare,  thesaurizare ;  and  not  a  few  new 
derivatives,  as  baptizatio^  diaconissa,  G.  225,  224. 


§22] 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


^3 


B.  DERIVATION. 

20.  Vulgar  Latin  is  very  rich  in  derivatives  and  com- 
pounds ;  it  has  many  affectionate  diminutives,  some  of  them 
made  with  new  suffixes  (as  -icca,  -itta)}  Petronius  shows  a 
fondness  for  long  derivatives,  such  as  gaudifnonium  (Waters 
Ch.  6i).  Late  writings  almost  all  abound  in  abstract  nouns 
(Cooper  1-2).  In  strictly  Classic  texts  there  seem  to  be  few 
really  living  suffixes  \  but  the  facility  of  word  formation,  which 
the  literary  language  lost,  popular  speech  preserved  and  in- 
creased.* This  freedom  of  formation  was  abused  by  African 
authors,  who  were  especially  addicted  to  prepositional  com- 
pounds with  con-,  in~,  sjib-,  etc.''  We  shall  consider  first  post- 
verbal  nouns  (i.e.,  substantives  taken  from  the  roots  of  verbs), 
then  prefixes,  next  suffixes,  and  finally  composite  words. 

I.  POST-VERBAL  NOUNS. 

21.  After  the  model  of  canius  —  ca?ttare,  saltus — saltare^ 
etc.  (pairs  in  which  the  derivative  verb  seemed  to  come  from 
the  noun,  whereas  in  reality  both  come  from  a  primitive  verb 
as  canere,  satire),  a  fictitious  primitive  noun  was  derived  from 
a  number  of  verbs  in  Vulgar  Latin  and  in  the  Romance  lan- 
guages :  so  dolus  from  dolere,  Vok.  I,  35,  98,  Bon.  367,  Regnier 
VII  (blamed  by  St.  Augustine). 

2.  PREFIXES.^ 

a.  PREFIXES  USED  WITH  NOUNS,  ADJECTIVES,  AND  PRONOUNS. 

22.  Bis-  or  bi-  was  used  with  some  adjectives  and  appar- 
ently with  a  few  nouns:  bimaritus,  G.  130  ;  bisacutus,  G.  170  ; 
bisaccium,  Petronius. 

*  See  Gmw.  II,  430-693;  Densusianu  156-173.  Cooper  XXXIV. 

»  Cooper  XXX  ff.        *  Cooper  XXXV J,  XL  VI,  246-247.        ^  Cooper  246-297. 


14  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  26 


23.  Ad-f  con-^  de-^  dis-^  ex-,  in-,  re~  and  some  others  were 
occasionally  used  to  form  adjectives:  ^adaptus ;  commixtius, 
G.  160  \  defamaius ;  *disf  actus ;  exsiccus ;  ifianimaius  ;  *rej>lenus, 
Cf.  G.  i6off. 

24.  Ac-,  atque-,  ecce-,  eccii-,  met-  were  used  as  demonstrative 
prefixes  to  pronominal  adjectives  and  to  adverbs.  Eccu-  is 
ecciim,  i.e.,  ecce  hum  ;  its  origin  being  forgotten,  it  was  used  in 
late  Vulgar  Latin  as  a  synonym  of  ecce.  Met,  primarily  a 
suffix,  came  to  be  used  as  a  prefix  through  such  combinations 
as  semet  ipsum,  understood  as  se  metipsum.  In  archaic  writings 
such  reinforced  demonstratives  as  eccum,  eccam,  eccos,  eccas, 
ecca,  eccillum,  eccillam,  eccillud,  eccistam  are  not  uncommon  ;  in 
Classic  texts  they  are  rare.  Vulgar  Latin  examples  are  :  ac 
sic;  atque  ille ;  ecce  hie;  ^  eccu  iste ;  ^  eccu  sic,  Substrate  VI, 
385  ;  met  ipse.  Cf.  A.  Kohler,  Die  Partikel  ecce  in  Archiv  V, 
16.    See  §§  65,  66. 

b.  PREFIXES  USED  WITH  VERBS. 

25.  Ad-,  con—,  de-,  dis—,  ex—,  i?i-,  re-  were  freely  used,  dis- 
being  mainly  a  Vulgar  Latin  prefix:  ahbreviare,  G.  179  ;  ^  ad- 
cap  i^i)  tare  ;  adgenuculari,  R.  181;  adpretiare,  R.  181,  G.  180  • 
adpropiare,  R.  181,  G.  180;  adunare,  R.  182;  confortare,  R.  185, 
G.  181;  ^ cominitiare ;  complacere,  R.  184;  deaurare,  G.  182; 
^ disjejunare;  exaltare,  G.  183;  excoriare,  G.  182;  i7npinguare, 
G.  183;  ^infurcare;  recapiiulare,  G.  185;  ^requcErere.  Ad-, 
con-,  de-  lost  their  special  significance;  ad-  was  particularly 
favored  in  Spain,  co7i-  in  Italy.  Cf.  Lat.  Spr.  487.  Occasion- 
ally there  was  a  change  of  prefix :  aspectaj-e  was  used  with  the 
sense  of  expectare,  ^ convitai-e  sometimes  took  the  place  of  invi- 
tare;  dis-  was  often  substituted  for  ex-. 

26.  Ab-y  contra-,  per-,  sub-,  super  supra-,  tra  trans-  were 


§  31]  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  15 

used  occasionally:  "^aboculare;  *contrafacere ;  *perdonare;  sub- 
audire,  G.  185;  * subdudere ;  subsannare,  R.  199,  G '  187- 
superabundare,  G.  187;  ''super-^suprafacere;  *trabuccare;  ^trans- 
annare;  tra?isp  Ian  tare,  G.  188.  ) 

27.  Extra-  was  sometimes  used  in  Italy  and  Dacia,  tn/ra- 
and./^/r^- in  Italy:  *  extrabuccare  ;  *  in/raponere ;  *intratenere. 

28.  Abs-,  e~,  Ob-,  prcE~,  pre-,  pro-,  retro-  were  apparently 
not  used  to  form  new  verbs  in  the  popular  spoken  language, 
although  some  of  them  are  occasionally  so  employed  by  late 
writers:  opprobrare^  G.  184;  pra^destinare,  G.  184  (cf.  Livy)- 

pro/on^are,  G.  184.    Ob-  is  sometimes  replaced  by  ad-:  oL 
dormire  >  addormire. 

29.  Foris  and  minus  came  to  be  used  as  prefixes  in  some' 
regions:  ''forisfacere;  *  minuscredere.  ^^r/V  was  confounded 
m  Gaul  with  the  Prankish {=  ver-)  :  versta/ien  =  Old  Fr 
/orbatre.  See  G.  Baist,  Frdn/ase/ies  fir-  im  dltesten  Franzdsl 
schen  in  Romanische  Forschungen  XII,  650;  cf.  Rom.  XXX, 
633.  For  this  use  of  minus,  compare  the  phrase  minus  est- 
deest,  Regnier  109:  caritas  in  quantum  adest .  .  .  in  quantum 
autem  minus  est.    Cf.  §  245. 

30.  Some  verbs  take  a  double  prefix:  adimplere;  coexcitare 
R.  207  (cf.  Quintilian,  cocxercitatusy,  deexacerbare,  R.  207- 
*deexcitare;  *  exeligere.  ' 

31.  Recomposition,  i.e.,  the  restoration  of  the  full  form  of 
the  primitive  verb,  was  a  regular  process  in  Vulgar  Latin  (cf 
§139):  '-^spargo  for  aspergo  is  blamed  by  Velius  Longus  fidon 
127,  and  is  used  by  St.  Cyprian,  Bayard  3;  commando  \s  ac- 
cording to  Velius  Longus,  the  usual  form,  rather  than  commlndo, 
S.  60,  Edon  131;  consacrati  etc.  occur  in  inscriptions,  S  60  • 
crededtt,  Bon.  490;   reddedit,  Bon.  490;    retenere,  Bon  489' 


i6  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  33 


tradedit,  Bon.  490.  Cf.  S.  58-64,  Bon.  486-493-  Computo, 
colligo,  cdlldco,  consto,  consuo,  erigo,  exeo,  tnflo,  prdsto  seem  to 
have  been  regarded  as  simple  verbs :  S.  64. 

32.  Late  writers  were  in  the  habit  of  restoring  the  full, 
primitive  form  of  prefixes;  but  this  was  doubtless  merely  a 
matter  of  spelling,  and  did  not  indicate  the  common  pronun- 
ciation. In  TertuUian,  Cyprian,  and  some  others  there  is 
generally  no  assimilation  of  the  prefix ;  other  writers,  such  as 
Gregory  of  Tours,  apparently  used  both  assimilated  and  un- 
assimilated  forms.  Bayard  12-15:  adpetere,  conpendium,  in- 
probus,  obfero,  subplajito.  Bon.  178-188  :  adtonitus,  conmittere, 
ifilatus^  obprimere^  subcumbere, 

3.  SUFFIXES, 
a.  SUFFIXES  FOR  VERBS.^ 

33.  Verbs  from  nouns'^  generally  end  in  -are;  occasionally 
in  -iare  or  -ire;  sometimes  in  -icare,  which  was  eventually  sup- 
planted in  Italy  and  in  Gaul  by  -izare  (for  pronunciation  see 
§  339).  This  last  ending  came  from  Greek  -t^etv  through  bor- 
rowed words,  such  as  baptizare.  For  a  list  of  Greek  verbs  in 
-t^€tv  adopted  by  Christian  writers,  see  R.  248-249  (cf.  §19 
above);  some  new  formations  were  used,  as  catechizare.  In 
early  Latin  this  same  ending  appears  as  -issare  {atticisso, 
rhetorisso):  see  A.  Funck,  Die  Verba  auf  issare  und  izare  in 
Archiv  III,  398. 

Examples:  oculare;  pectinare;  plantare;  potionare;  trepa- 
liare  ;  —plagiare ;  —  ignire ;  —  carricare  ;  follicare ;  *  nivicare  ; 
—  *  dom ^nizare  ;  ^  werrizare. 


iCf.  Cooper  205-245,  Dubois  1 51-162,  Quillacq  41-46,  Bonnet  47I-474* 
''Cf.  R.  154-162. 


§  36]  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 

34-  ^erhs  from  adjectives  and  perfect  participles  end  in  -are, 
-iare,  -ire;  also  in  -icare  (cf.  albicare),  -itare  (cf.  debilitare, 
visitare),  -escere  and  -Iscere  (cf.  canescere,  mollescere)-^  possibly 
in  -izare:  angustare ;  *ausare;  captivare ;  confortare]  falsare; 
gravare;  levare  ;  *  oblitare  ;  riitare  ;  Usare  ;  —  alleviare ;  *a/- 
tiare;  *  captiare  ;  htcmi/iare  ; —  *  abbellire  ;  unire  ;  —  amari^ 
care  ;  —  vanitare  ;  —fortescere  ;  Icetiscere  ;  vilescere  ;  —  ^blan- 
kizare  ? 

Many  verbs  from  perfect  participles  (frequentatives,  etc.) 
replace  the  original  verbs:  adjuvare^  adjutare ;  audere>au- 
sare;  canere> cantare ;  uti^usare.  The  endings -{i)tare,  -escere 
lost  their  frequentative  or  inchoative  sense:  adparescere,  Dubois 
157;  ostentare,  Dubois  156. 

35.  Verbs  from  other  verbs  end  in  -icare  (cf.  fodicare<, 
fodere),  -itare  (cf.  clamitare  <iclamare)',  also  in  -escere,  -iscere 

(cf.  forescere,  dormiscere),  which  lost  its  inchoative  force: 

*  bullicare  <  bullire  ;  —  crocitare  ;  —  apparescere  ;  *  f?iiscere; 
stupescere.  Vulgar  Latin  has  many  old  frequentive  verbs:  G. 
178-179,  Cooper  205.  There  are  some  late  diminutives  in 
-aculare,  -iculare,  -ucutare,  through  diminutive  nouns  or  adjec- 
tives {oi.  periculari <^periculum):  *  salticulare.  We  find  also 
some  miscellaneous  imitative  formations:  *  expaventare  (and 
some  others)  apparently  after  the  analogy  of  prasentare ; 

*  misculare  perhaps  after  maculare. 

36.  Greek  verbs  in  -av,  -€iv,  etc.,  when  taken  into  Latin,  reg- 
ularly end  in  -are:  Kv^tpvav>  gubertiare ;  liXa(T<i>-qixuv>  b/as- 
phemare.  Cf.  Claussen  795.  But  ylt<xXXuv>psailere,  perhaps 
through  the  analogy  of  fallere:  Claussen  796. 

Germanic  verbs  in  -an  or  -on  regularly  passed  into  the  first 
conjugation  in  Latin:  witan>lt.guidare ;  roubon>lt  rubare. 
Those  in  -Jan  went  into  the  fourth:  hatjan>  haiire,  Gl. 
Reich,  i  warnjan  >  It.  guarnire. 


i8  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  37 

b.  SUFFIXES  FOR  NOUNS.^ 

37.  Some  90  endings,  apparently,  were  used  in  Vulgar 
Latin.  The  Christian  writers  are  especially  rich  in  deriva- 
tives. Petronius,  too,  was  very  fond  of  diminutives:  adules- 
centulus,  Waters  Ch.  59,  Ch.  64;  porcellus^  Ch.  40;  taurellus^ 
Ch.  39. 

The  commonest  endings  are  the  following:  — 

-rt,  used  to  form  feminines:  nepta,  Pirson  123,  Bon.  366,  Haag  41; 
socera,  Bon.  355. 

-dgOy  -igo,  -iigo  were  characteristic  of  rustic  speech:  Cooper  iii. 

-a/,  -die,  used  to  form  adjectives  and  also  nouns,  especially  names  of 
parts  of  apparel  (as  bracchiale),  was  extended:  coxale,  G.  95.  Cf.  Olcott 
238-239. 

-alia,  a  neuter  plural,  as  victualia  (cf.  the  collective  plural  -ilia,  as 
mirabilia,  volatilia,  G.  iio-iii),  was  used,  in  a  collective  sense,  as  a 
feminine  singular  with  an  augmentative  and  pejorative  signification,  in 
Italy  and  Gaul:  * canalia  <^canis, 

-anda,  -enda,  neuter  plural  of  the  gerundive,  came  to  be  used  as  a 
feminine  singular:  *facienda  and  */acenda. 

-ans,  -ens:  see  Adjectives. 

-antia,  -entia,  made  from  present  participles  H — ia  (as  benevolentia, 
essentia,  significantia),  were  used  to  form  abstract  nouns  from  verbs: 
*  credentia  ;  fragrantia  ;  placentia;  *  sperantia.  Cf.  R.  49-52,  G.  79-102, 
Olcott  73-78. 

-dnus:  see  Adjectives. 

-ar,  -are,  for  nouns  and  adjectives:  liminare,  G.  95;  *pollicare.  Cf. 
Olcott  187-189. 
-aria :  see  -ia. 

-arium,  used  to  designate  a  place  (as  gallinarium),  was  extended: 
hreviarium;  *  calamarium.    Cf.  R.  31-37,  Olcott  176-182. 
-arius:  see  Adjectives. 

-aster :  see  Modern  Language  Notes  XXIV,  240. 

—ata :  see  -ta,  etc.  [cum. 
-aticum  (as  viaticum)  was  extended,  to  form  nouns  from  nouns :  *corati' 
-dtus,  as  senatus  (common  in  Petronius,  e.  g.,  bonatus,  Waters  Ch.  74), 
was  extended:  clericatus;  *ducatus.    Cf. -/a,  etc. 


iCf.  Cooper  1-91,  Dubois  99-136,  Quillacq  15-31,  Bon.  453-463. 


§  37]  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  19 

-cellus^  diminutive,  was  used  beside  -cuius:  aviciila,  avicella;  navi- 
cular navicella.    So  * domnicellns,  etc. 
-ecus,  -cius:  see  Adjectives. 

-culum,  -cricm  (as  miraculum,  lavacrum)  were  occasionally  used: 
^genucuhivi.    Cf.  G.  91-92,  Olcott  1 31-134. 

-ellus,  diminutive  (as  casfellum),  was  often  used  beside  -iiliis,  which 
lost  its  diminutive  force:  anuhts,  anellus ;  porculus,  porcellus ;  vitulus, 
vitellus.    So  calamellusy  etc. 

-enda :  see  -anda. 

-ens:  see  Adjectives,  -ans, 

-ensis:  see  Adjectives. 

-entia:  see -anim. 

-^rtum,  as  desiderium,  was  probably  somewhat  extended :  Old  Fr.,  Pr. 
consirieTy  etc.  Cf.  R.  31-37.  See  A.  Thomas,  Les  substantifs  en  -ier  et  le 
suffixe  -arius,  Rom.  XXXI,  481 ;  and  Nouveatix  essais  de  philologie /ran- 
(aise  no. 

-eum :  see  -iiim. 

-eus:  see  Adjectives. 

-ia,  unaccented,  used  to  form  abstract  nouns  (as  victoria),  was 
extended:  */ortia  {ct.  fortia  n.  pi.  =  ' mighty  deeds  of  God',  Koff- 
mane  76). 

-ia,  unaccented,  used  to  form  feminines  (as  avus,  avia):  neptia,  Pir- 
son  123  (cf.  Zs.  XXX II,  640). 

-ia,  from  Greek -ia  through  Christian  writers  and  speakers:  monar- 
chia;  philosophia ;  etc.  It  was  often  attached  to  words  in  -ariics ;  hence 
an  ending -ar/a ;  *librar{a.    Cf.  Olcott  173-176. 

-tea:  see  Archiv  fiir  das  Sticdium  der  neueren  Sprachen  und  Litera- 
turen  CXIV,  457. 

-icca  (as  Bodicca,  Bonica,  A'arica)  first  appears  in  Africa  in  feminine 
proper  names;  it  was  then  extended  to  Spain,  Sardinia,  and  Dacia,  and 
came  to  be  used  as  a  diminutive  suffix  in  Spanish,  Portuguese,  and  Ru- 
manian: Sp.  animal ico ;  Rum.  manicd.  It  may  have  arisen  in  the  first 
place  from  a  childish  pronunciation  of  -iclus,  -tela,  being  used  in  pet 
names.  Cf.  Einf.  §  173.  For  -accus,  -iccus,  -occus,  -uc(c)us,  see  A.  Horn- 
ing in  Zs.  XIX,  170,  XX,  335;  cf.  Gram.  II,  591.    Cf.  Zs.  XXXIV,  26. 

-tcetis,  -icius:  see  Adjectives,  -ceus. 

-incus  or  -inquics  (as  propinquus),  perhaps  also  *-ingus  and  locally 
-ancus,  possibly  of  Ligurian  origin  {Kom.  XXXV,  1-2 1,  283ff.,  333ff.),  was 
used  for  many  new  words:  Pr.  Arbonenca,  ramenc ;  It.  solingOy  Valinca; 


20  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


Sp.  Cusanca,  It  was  probably  confounded,  in  some  regions,  with  the 
following. 

-ing,  a  German  patronymic  ending,  was  used  for  some  nouns  and  per- 
haps for  adjectives  (see  -tncus  above):  Pr.  lausenga;  It.  camerlingo. 

-hius  (as  canimis,  Montanimts)  originally  denoted  appurtenance,  then 
resemblance,  then  smallness;  it  was  freely  used,  especially  to  form 
diminutive  nouns,  but  sometimes  to  form  new  adjectives:  domnina  — 
'young  lady',  Olcott  134-136;  Florentinus ;  serpentinus.  Cf.  Olcott 
200-204. 

-io :  see  -tio. 

-issa,  from  the  Greek  -Lcaa  (as  ^aaiXiaaa,  so  pythonissd),  was  used  for 
some  new  formations:  *dukissa;  Germanissa^  Pirson  228;  prophetissUy 
R.  251.    Cf.  Cooper  251. 

-^tas:  see  -tas. 

-ztia,  -Uies,  used  to  form  nouns  from  adjectives  (as  munditia  -ies),  were 
much  extended,  -ities  especially  in  the  south ;  both  are  rare  in  Rumanian 
(Cooper  XLV):  *altitia;  *granditia.    Cf.  Olcott  78-80. 

-ittus  first  appears  during  the  Empire  in  inscriptions  in  Italy  and 
Dacia,  sometimes  in  Spain  and  Gaul,  as  a  suffix  for  proper  names: 
feminine  Attitta,  Bonitta,  Caritta^  Julitta,  Livitta^  SuavittUy  etc.;  masculine 
Muritta,  Nebitta^  Sagitta^  etc.  Cf.  Pirson  226:  Julianeta,  Nonnita^  Nonni- 
tus.  Its  origin  is  unknown;  it  may  have  arisen  from  a  childish  pronun- 
ciation of  -tclus  -a:  cf.  -icca.  Meyer- Liibke,  Einf.  §  172,  conjectures  that 
it  may  have  come  from  the  Germanic  ending  that  now  appears  as  z  in 
such  names  as  Heinz.  A.  Zimmermann,  Zs.  XXVIII,  343,  regards  -attus^ 
-fttusy  -ottus  as  alternative  forms  of  -dtus^  -ttus,  -dtus,  like  littera  beside 
ITtera^  etc.  It  came  to  be  very  widely  used  as  a  diminutive  sufiix  for 
nouns,  and  also  for  adjectives,  the  i  being  short  in  Gaul,  Raetia,  and  cen- 
tral and  northern  Italy,  generally  long  in  the  Spanish  peninsula  and  in 
Sardinia:  nouns,  Fr.  amourette^  \\..  fioretto,  Sp.  bacito ;  adjectives,  Fr. 
doucet,  IX..  grassetto,  Sp.  bonito. 

-itudo :  see  -tiido. 

—ium,  —eum  (as  capitium^  calcaneuvt)'.  see  G.  5^59* 
-ivunty  -wa:  see  Olcott  224-226. 

-men,  -mentum,  used  to  form  nouns  from  verbs  (as  certdmen,  vestimen- 
turn),  were  extended,  especially  -mentum :  * gubernamentum.  Cf.  Olcott 
123-131,  R.  22-25. 

-mdnium,  -monia:  see  Olcott  81-82. 

-0  {-onem),  originally  used  to  indicate  a  characteristic  (as  bibd),  was 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


21 


commonly  employed  as  an  augmentative  or  pejorative,  in  Gaul  often  as  a 
diminutive:  gulo;  It.  boccone ;  Fr.  aiglon.  See  Archiv  V,  56,  223,  XIII, 
222,  415,  475.    Cf.  Olcott  83-87,  G.  44-45. 

-or  {-orem),  used  to  form  abstract  nouns  (as  candor^  sapor),  was  em- 
ployed for  many  new  formations  of  the  same  kind,  especially  in  Gaul: 
dulcor;  *flator;  *  flavor;  *lucor;  *  senior;  viror.  In  Gaul  these  nouns 
came  to  be  feminine:  Bon.  503-504  {dolor,  timor,  etc.). 

-or  {-orem),  used  to  designate  the  agent:  see  -tor. 

-drium ;  see  -tdriiini. 

-dttus,  of  unknown  origin  (cf.  -ittus),  was  apparently  used  first  of  young 
animals,  then  as  a  general  moderate  diminutive:  It.  aquilotto,  casolta. 
-sa :  see  -ta,  etc. 
—sj'o:  see  -tio. 
—sor:  see  -tor. 
—sorium:  s&e-torhim. 
—sura:  see  -ura. 
-sus:  see  -ta,  etc. 

-ta,  -tus,  -sa,  -sus,  later  -dta,  -dtiis,  -iita,  perfect  participles  used  as 
nouns,  started  perhaps  with  such  forms  as  defensa,  remissa,  i.  e.,  feminine 
perfect  participles  with  a  feminine  noun  understood,  and  were  reinforced 
by  neuter  plural  forms  which  became  feminine  and  also  by  fourth  declension 
nouns  in  -tus,2&  collectus,  narratus:  cf .  C.  Collin  in ^;r>^/z/  XIII, 453;  L.  H. 
Alexander,  Participial  Substantives  of  the  -ata  type  in  the  Romance  Languages, 
191 2.  They  were  considerably  used  to  make  abstract  nouns  from  verbs  (and 
-ata  was  sometimes  attached  to  nouns,  zs^*annata)\  -tus  and  -sus  were  pre- 
ferred in  Dacia  (Cooper  XLV):  collecta,  G.  1 1 1 ;  *debita  ;  extensa,  R.  83 ;  *mo- 
vita.  Substrate  IV,  122  ;  *perdita  ;  recubUus  ;  *reddita  ;  *vendtta'.  It.  andata, 
fossato,  venuta.    Cf.  Olcott  33-51,  R.  82-83,  G.  85-88,  Bayard  24-25. 

-tas  {-tdtem),  used  to  make  abstract  nouns  from  adjectives,  was  freely 
employed:  falsitas;  nativitas ;  purJtas ;  trinitas.  So  deltas  from  deus.  Cf. 
Olcott  58-69,  G.  102-106,  Bayard  19-22  (very  common  in  St.  Cyprian). 

-tio,  -sio  {-tidnem,  -sidnem),  used  to  form  abstract  nouns  from  verbs  (as 
lectio,  mansio,  potio),  are  very  common  in  St.  Jerome,  St.  Cyprian,  and 
other  late  writers:  abbreviatio ;  aggravatio,  G.  63;  *nutritio;  ostensio ; 
prensio;  revolutio.    Cf.  Olcott  2-23,  R.  69-82,  Bayard  19-22. 

-tor,  -trix,  -sor  {-torem,  -trzcem,  -sorem),  used  to  denote  the  agent  (as 
amdtor,  mensor),  were  very  freely  employed  (but  show  few  traces  in  Ru- 
manian :  Cooper  XLV):  necdtor;  ostensor;  Pr.  beveire,  trobaire.  Cf.  Olcott 
88-122,  R.  55-63,  G.  45-56. 

-torium,  -sorium,  used  to  form  from  verbs  nouns  denoting  place,  some- 


22  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


times  instrument  (as  dormitorium^  natatoriumy  cursorium),  were  much  ex- 
tended, often  taking  the  place  of  -culum  {cubiculum  >>  accubitorium)  : 
*  c(Esorhtm ;  mensorium ;  missorium;  oratorium ;  * pressorium ;  reposito- 
rium.    Cf.  Olcott  194-196,  R.  31-37,  G.  96-97. 

-tudo  {-tudinem),  used  to  make  abstract  nouns  from  adjectives  (as 
fortitudd),  was  extended,  ^certitudo ;  servitudo.    Cf.  Olcott  69-73. 

-iiira:  see  -tira. 

-tiis:  see  -ta^  etc. 

-iilusy  -ula,  diminutive  (as  vitulus),  was  used  for  a  few  new  formations: 
*ala7idula;  ossulum,  Bon.  197. 

-iira  and  -t-iira,  -s-ura,  used  to  form  abstract  nouns  from  perfect  par- 
ticiples (as  censura^  strictiird)^  later  from  adjectives  also,  were  extended, 
in  late  Latin  often  replacing  -or  {fervor'^*/ervurd) :  *frig'dura;  mes- 
sura;  nutritura;  ornatura;  *planura;  pressura;  tensura  ;  *vir''dura.  See 
Einf.  §  171.    Cf.  Olcott  51-58,  R.  40-45,  G.  88-90. 

-iita:  see  -ta,  etc. 

38.  When  Greek  nouns  were  borrowed  by  Latin,  the 
endings  were  adapted  as  follows:  — 

-OS,  -7),  -ov  regularly  became  respectively  -us,  -a,  -urn :  Claussen  796, 
There  are  a  few  exceptions  for  special  reasons  (Claussen  795) :  cXatof,  in- 
fluenced by  o/er£,  gave  oleum;  /j.r)\6(pvX\ov,  by  popular  etymology,  gave 
millefoliu77i. 

-as  in  popular  words  generally  became  -a  (Claussen  798-799):  Xafiirds 
>•  lampa, 

-7)s,  -Tijs  became  -a,  -ta  or  -y/.r,  -tus  (Claussen  798):  TpwKTrjs  frucfa ; 
PuXlTTjs  >•  boletus. 

-I  in  popular  words  either  fell  or  became  -a,  -e,  -is,  or  -i  (Claussen  799) : 
ir^irepL'^  piper ;  aLvairi'^  sinapis,  sinape  ;  Kbixp.i'^  gumma,  gmnmi-s. 

-IS  often  became  -a,  instead  of  -is  (Claussen  798) :  pausis  > pausa. 

-fxa  in  popular  words  gave  a  feminine  -ma  (Claussen  796-797):  Kv/xa"^ 
cima. 

-pos  preceded  by  a  consonant  became  -er  (Claussen  797) :  ' AXi^avdpos"^ 
Alexander. 

-<av  in  popular  words  became  -o  (Claussen  797) :  \io)v'^  leo. 

Sometimes  the  genitive  or  the  accusative  was  taken  as  a  basis,  instead 
of  the  nominative  (Claussen  800-802):  i\i(l)avro%'^  elephanius ;  fMylda"^ 
magida. 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


23 


The  unaccented  vowel  of  the  penult  was  often  changed  in  conformity 
with  Latin  habits  (Claussen  802-806) :  bid^oXos'^  diaholus  diabulus ;  Kipaaos 
"^cerdstis  *ceresus;  Kidd.pa'^cithdra  cither  a  ;  cKbirekos'^  scopulus  ;  airaTaXt] 
"^spatula. 

c.  SUFFIXES  FOR  ADJECTIVES.^ 
39.  The  commonest  endings  are  the  following:  — 

—abtlis:  see-btlis. 

-dceus  -dciusy  -teens  -tcius,  used  to  make  from  nouns  adjectives  denot- 
ing material  (as  arenaceus^  pelliceus)^  were  extended  (especially  in  rustic 
speech:  Cooper  iii),  -acetis  being  employed  later  as  an  augmentative 
and  pejorative  suffix  for  adjectives  and  finally  for  nouns:  charlaceus ; 
formaceus;  mixticius,  G.  143;  *setaceus;  It.  tempaccio,  etc.  Cf.  Olcott 
215-220.    See  E.  Wolfflin,  Die  Adjectiva  auf  -icius  in  Archiv  V,  415. 

-dlisy  -His,  used  to  make  from  nouns  adjectives  of  appurtenance  (as 
regalis,  geniilis),  were  extended:  *cortilis;  * ducalis ;  episcopalis.  Cf. 
Olcott  226-238,  G.  144. 

-dneus  -dnius,  -oneus  -dnius  (as  exiraneus,  erronens)  were  slightly  ex- 
tended: *  caroneus  ;  spontaneus. 

—ans,  —ens  {-antem,  -entem),  present  participles  (as  avians,  potens), 
were  used  freely  to  make  adjectives  and  nouns  from  verbs:  credens ; 
*  currens  ;  ^passans. 

-dnusy  denoting  appurtenance  (as  paganus,  Romanus),  was  used  to 
form  adjectives  of  place  (occasionally  time)  and  nouns  of  office:  bidnanus, 
Bechtel  83;  medianusy  Bechtel  83;  * Stcilianus ;  Tuscanus ;  —  * capitanus ; 
dec  anus. 

-ariciiis,  a  combination  of  -arius  and  -tcius  (as  sigillaricius),  became 
popular  in  Gaul :  see  A.  Thomas,  Nouveaux  essais  de  philologie  fratigaise 
62  {Hacherece,  etc.). 

-dris  (as  singularis)  was  extended:  particularis.    Cf.  Olcott  182-187. 

-arius,  attached  to  nouns  and  adjectives,  to  denote  connection,  and 
used  also  in  the  masculine  to  form  nouns  of  occupation  (as  aquarius,  ar- 
gentarius,  pomarius),  was  much  extended,  especially  in  the  latter  function : 
imaginarius ;  '^leviarius ;  —  apothecarius ;  * marinarius ;  *werrarius.  Cf. 
Olcott  137-173.  The  phonetic  development  of  this  suffix  was  apparently 
peculiar  in  Gaul  and  some  other  regions:  the  earliest  examples  are  glan- 


^Cf,  Cooper  92-163  (diminutives,  164-195),  Quillacq  32-40,  Dubois  136-151, 
Bon.  464-467, 


24  An  Introductiqn  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  39 


deria<Cglandarius  -\ — ia  (6th  century)  and  sorcerus  <C* soriiarius  (8th 
century) ;  the  earliest  forms  in  French  and  Provengal  are  -ers^  -er,  then 
-iers,  -ier.  On  the  other  hand,  Spanish  -ero  and  Italian  -aio  are  perfectly 
regular,  Italian  -aro  is  easily  explained  by  the  analogy  of  the  plural  -ari^ 
and  Italian  -iere,  -iero  are  probably  borrowed.  E.  R.  Zimmermann,  Die 
Geschichte  des  lateinischen  Suffixes  — arius  in  den  romanischen  Sprachen^ 
and  E.  Staaff,  Le  suffix e  -arius  dans  les  langues  romanes,  try  to  derive  all  the 
forms  from  -arius.  P.  Marchot,  Zs.  XXI,  296  (cf.  Phon.  I,  34-36),  postu- 
lates -ar{i)zcs  and  -er{i)us,  showing  that  while  the  French  forms  may  per- 
haps be  derived  from  -arius  and  -iarius,  the  Proven9al  cannot.  Cf. 
Gram.  I,  222,  §  227.  Zimmermann,  Zs.  XXVI,  591,  points  out  that  many 
words  have  e,  or  /  before  the  a,  that  -iarius  was  a  real  suffix  (cf.  ana- 
tiarius,  Olcott  142),  that  -iarius  and  -carius  may  have  established  -iers  in 
French.  A.  Thomas,  Rom.  XXXI,  481  (cf.  Nouveaux  essais  de  philologie 
frangaise  119,  and  Bausteine  641),  suggests  that  the  Germans  in  Gaul 
associated  -arius  with  their  proper  names  in  -areis  or  -ari^  and  when 
umlaut  affected  the  a  of  these,  pronounced  -arius,  too,  as  -erius  or  -erusy 
and  that  this  pronunciation  spread  to  the  neo-Latin  speakers.  Cf.  Chairi- 
bertus  repeatedly  used  for  Charibertus  by  Fredegarius:  Haag  7. 

-dtusy  a  perfect  participle  ending  (as  sceleratus),  was  much  used  to 
make  adjectives  in  the  popular  language:  exauguratus ;  *fatatus;  timO" 
ratus.    Cf.  Olcott  244-250,  G.  159-160. 

-hUis,  or  -dbilis,  -ibilis,  an  objective  suffix  used  to  make  adjectives 
from  verbs  (as  amahilis,  terribilis),  is  very  common  in  Christian  writers 
and  was  much  employed  in  late  Latin,  especially  in  learned  words ;  it  is 
rare,  however,  in  Rumanian  (Cooper  XLV) :  acceptabilis ;  capabilis ;  *cari' 
tabilis ;  diligibilis ;  indicibilis,  G.  137.  Cf.  Olcott  209-213,  R.  1 09-1 16, 
G.  135-140. 

-ceus  -cius :  see  -dceus. 

—ens :  see  —ans. 

-ensis,  used  to  make  from  nouns  adjectives  of  appurtenance  (as  foren- 
sis),  was  greatly  extended,  especially  in  popular  speech,  the  derivatives 
being  sometimes  employed  as  nouns:  *  cortensis ;  *  Frankensis ;  turrensis, 
G.  155;  vallensis,  G.  155;  —  ^marketisis;  ^pagensis. 

-eus  -ius,  denoting  material  (as  aureus),  was  slightly  extended  (but  is 
rare  in  Rumanian:  Cooper  XLV);  the  derivative  was  sometimes  used  as 
a  noun:  panneus ;  papyrius ; — fageus;  querceus.    Cf.  Olcott  339-344. 
-ibUis :  see  -bUis, 

-tceus  -ictus:  see  dceus. 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


25 


-feus  (as  medicus)  was  used  especially  in  words  from  the  Greek:  cleri- 
cus.    Cf.  Olcott  220-223. 

-{dus  (as  rapidus)  was  slightly  extended:  exsucidus^  G.  155  (Tertullian); 
*ripidus;  sapidus. 

-llis:  see  -dlis. 

—inus:  see  Nouns. 

—iniis  (as  fraxinus)  was  used  for  a  few  adjectives:  quercinus, 

-iscus,  probably  a  fusion  of  Greek  -to-zcos  {Syriscus)  and  Germanic 
~isk  {T/iiudisctis),  was  used  for  -hus  in  some  late  words:  *Angliscus; 
*Frankiscus. 

-ittus:  see  Nouns. 

—hcs :  see  -cus. 

-wus  (as  nativus)  occurs  in  a  few  new  formations :  *restivus.  Cf.  Olcott 
224-226. 

^dneus :  see  -dneus. 

-orius:  see  -torius. 

-dsns,  also  -idsus :  Rom.  XXXIX,  217. 

—sdruis :  see  -torius. 

-tortus,  -sorius,  made  up  of  -t-or,  -s-or  -|-  (as  noscere  notor  notorius, 
censere  censor censorius),  were  used  for  some  new  formations:  defensorius ; 
mansorius.  In  Proven9al  and  Rumanian  -torius  was  extended,  with  the 
sense  of  -bilis  or  of  the  gerundive:  Pr.  punidor;  Rum.  jurdtoriUy 
Tiktin  597. 

-iilus,  diminutive  (as  albulus),  was  a  favorite  with  Christian  writers; 
promptulus,G.  is'&.    Cf.  G.  1 57-1 58. 

-undus  (as  jocundus)  was  used  in  Spanish  and  Proven9al  for  a  few 
words:  Pr.  volon. 

-fetus  (as  canutus)  was  somewhat  extended:  * carnutus. 

d.  SUFFIXES  FOR  ADVERBS.* 

40.  The  usual  endings  are  as  follows:  — 

-ce  -c  (as  ne  nec,  num.  nunc,  turn  tunc)  was  apparently  used  to  form 
dune  (C.  /.  Z.  IX,  4810,  etc.)  =  dum  ce  (cf.  Franz.  3  I,  10) ;  Pirson  252 
cites  eight  examples  of  dune,  one  of  them  from  Gaul.  Cf.  donique  in 
Substrate  II,  103-106.  Possibly  *anc  is  derived  from  an  in  the  same 
way:  cf.  Archiv  I,  241;  Cram.  Ill,  552. 

-e  is  very  common  in  St.  Jerome:  G.  193-197  {angelice,  etc.).    It  was 


Cf,  Cooper  196-204,  Dubois  163-171,  Bon.  467-470. 


26  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  41 


preserved  in  popular  speech  in  bene,  longe,  male,  pure,  tarde,  and  occurs 
also  in  Romanice,  whence  such  formations  as  BriUanice,  Normannice, 
etc. 

-tier:  see  -ter. 

-o  and  -um  generally  coincided  in  pronunciation  {multum  =  multo^ 
etc.).  They  are  rare  in  St.  Jerome,  but  common  in  other  late  writers: 
clanculo,  mtiltumy  rato,  etc.  Many  such  adverbs  were  preserved  in  com- 
mon speech,  as  It.  alto,  basso,  caldo,  chiaro,  pianOy  poco ;  hence  other  ad- 
jectives came  to  be  used  as  adverbs  (as  li.  forte,  soave),  and  in  Rumanian 
nearly  all  adjectives  may  be  so  used  {as  greu,  nou). 

-ter  (as  breviter)  was  not  preserved  in  common  speech,  though  much 
used  in  ecclesiastical  Latin  (G.  197-201 :  infantiltter,  etc.),  being  especially 
common  in  St.  Cyprian  (Bayard  32-34). 

-tim  was  favored  by  St.  Cyprian  (Bayard  34-35)  and  some  other 
writers,  but  was  not  kept  alive  in  popular  Latin. 

Some  adverbial  phrases  on  the  model  ad . . .  -ones  (in  Italy  also  with- 
out the  preposition)  came  into  use:  It.  a  ginocchioni,  bocconi;  Fr.  a  recu- 
lons.  Of.  Gram.  II,  689;  Rom.  XXXIII,  230;  Zs.  XXIX,  245,  XXX, 
337,  339- 

Repetition  was  used,  as  sometimes  in  Classic  Latin,  for  emphatic 
effect.  Many  examples  are  to  be  found  in  Petronius :  modo  modo  = 
'only  yesterday,'  Waters  Ch.  37,  Ch.  42,  Ch.  46. 

41.  Adverbs  of  manner  came  to  be  made  with  the  ablative 
mente.  This  noun  was  first  used  with  an  adjective  to  denote 
0  '  a  state  of  mind,  as  forti  mente^  obstinata  mente,  Jociinda  mentey 
firma  mentey  sana  mente ;  Apuleius,  dubia  mente,  I,  6,  and  saucia 
fnente,  V,  23.  Then  it  was  employed  in  a  more  general  sense : 
pari  mente,  G.  428;  ^bona  mente;  *ipsa  meiite;  ^mala  mente. 
Later,  perhaps  after  the  Vulgar  Latin  period,  me^ite  was  used 
with  any  adjective  that  could  make  an  adverb  of  manner; 
* longa  mente;  sola  mente,  Gl.  Reich.  This  formation  is  not 
common,  however,  in  Rumanian:  Lat.  Spr.  487.  In  the 
Romance  languages  mente  was  sometimes  added  to  adverbs: 
Fr.  comment;  It.  insiememente. 


§  42]  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  27 


e.  CHANGE  OP  SUFFIX. 
42.  The  popular  language  sometimes  substitutes  one  suffix 
for  another,  as  manuplus  for  manipulus.    The  principal  types 
are:  — 

(1)  Subsitution  of  a  new  or  common  suffix  for  an  old  or 
rare  one :  — • 

-alius     -cellus :  see -fllus. 
—cuius     ce litis :  see  -ulus. 

-elus'^ -ellus  (common  in  late  Latin):  camelus'^  camellus,  Cohn  213- 
216,  R.  460;  loquela  loquella,  Corssen  I,  227,  R.  460;  querela  querella^ 
S.  131,  R.  321,  460;  suadela'^  suadclla,  R.  460.  Cf.  Caper  (Keil  VII, 
96):    querela,  loquela  per  unum  /." 

-enus'^-tnus:  ^^Byzacenus  non  Byzacinus"  App.  Pr.;  venetium^ 
*veninum.    Cf.  Cohn  219-226. 

-ex{-ecem)  >>  -ix{-icem) :  vervecem  >  berbicein.    Cf.  Cohn  41-42. 

-Ulus'^ -ellus :  axUla^  ascella,  etc.    Cf.  Cohn  42-52. 

-or{-orem)  ^-iira:  calor'^^caliira ;  pavor^* pavura ;  rancor'^* ran- 
cura,  etc.    Cf.  Cohn  172-180. 

-ulus'^  -ellus :  aniclus^  anellus ;  avicula"^  avicella,  etc.  Cf.  Cohn 
17-28. 

-tius'^-tlus :  vacuus^  *v5clttus  (cf.  §  195). 

(2)  Indiscriminate  use  of  two  suffixes:  — 

-dnus  ■=. -dneus  :  extraneus  *  extranus ;  subterraneus  *  subierranus.  Cf. 
Cohn  160-172. 

-dtus  — -itus  ■=. -utus :  barbatus  '"^ barbutus  ;  carnaius  *  carnutus;  cauda- 
tus  cauditus,  Cohn  184;  lanatus  lanutus,  Cohn  184.    Cf.  Cohn  180-205. 

-iceus  -icius  =  -iceus  -tcius :  ericius  *  eric i us.    Cohn  30-31. 

-iciilus  ■=.  -uulus :  capitulus  ^  capiLiilus  ;  corntcula  *  corfucitla  ;  lenticiila 
*lenttcula.    Cf.  Cohn  1 51-154. 

-tctilus  ■=■ -uculus :  ossiculum  ossitculum,  Waters  Ch.  65;  pediculus 
peduculus. 

-ilius  — -Uius :  consilium  *  consilium ;  famllia  */amilia.  Cf.  Cohn 
154-160. 

-tx{-tcem)  ■=. -lx{-tcem) :  soricef?i    soricem.    Cf.  Cohn  147-151. 

(3)  Alteration  of  a  suffix:  — 

-drius:  see  Suffixes  for  Adjectives,  -drius.    Cf.  Cohn  274-291. 


28  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  47 


-enus  >  -inus  through  late  pronunciation  of  Greek  as  / ;  ea-yiiirti  > 
sagincE  {Vok.  Ill,  121 :  7th  century)  >  Old  Fr.  sa'ine,  etc. 

-iculus  ? '^^:?~fuulus :  *genuculum  ;  *raniicula,  etc.    Cf.  Cohn  226-264. 

-udo  {-udmem)^  -ilmen  {-uminem):  consuetudo  *  costumetty  Substrate 
I,  553-554;  incus  incudo  ^incuminem^  etc.    Cf.  Cohn  264-274. 

4.  COMPOUNDS, 
a.  NOUNS. 

43.  Acer  arbor  (>  Fr.  erable);  alba  spina;  avis  struthius; 
bene  placitum^  G.  131;  bis  coctum;  in  odio;  medio  die;  medio 
loco, 

b.  ADJECTIVES. 

44.  These  compounds  generally  belonged  to  the  literary 
style.  G.  130-134,  160-170:  magnisonans;  omnimodus;  uni- 
cornis; unigenitus;  etc.    But  male  habitus,  etc.,  were  popular. 

c.  PRONOUNS. 

45.  See  §§  24,  65. 

d.  VERBS. 

46.  Cake  pistare;  crucifigere,  G.  191;  foris  mittere;  genu- 
flectere,  G.  191;  tnde  fiigere  (>  Fr.  enfuir)  ;  Intra  videre;  manu 
tenere;  mente  habere  (>  Pr.  mentaver);  minus  pretiare.  So 
antemittere,  etc.,  in  Gl,  Reich,  In  church  writers  there  are 
many  verbs  in  -ficare,  as  mortificare:  G.  190. 

e.  ADVERBS. 

47.  There  were  many  compounds  made  up  of  a  preposition 
and  an  adverb:  ab  ante,  R.  234;  ab  intus,  R.  231,  Bon.  483  ; 
ab  olim,  Bechtel  loi;  a  contra,  Bechtel  loi;  a  for  as,  Bechtel 
loi;  a  foris,  R.  231,  Bon.  483;  a  longe,  G.  203,  Bon.  483;  a 
viodo,  R.  232,  Bon.  483;  a  semel,  Bechtel  loi ;  —  ad  horam  = 
'presently',  'just  nov.^',  G.  426  ;  ad  ma?ie,  Bechtel  loi  ;  ad  semel, 
Bon.  194,  484;  ad  sero,  Bechtel  loi;  ad  subito,  Bechtel  loi; 


§  49]  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  29 


ad  tunc,  Bechtel  loi;  —  de  contra,  Bechtel  loi;  de  deorsum, 
R.  232;  de  /oris,  R.  232,  G.  203;  de  intro,  Bechtel  102;  de  intus, 
R.  232,  G.  203;  de  magis,  Lat.  Spr.  487;  de  retro,  R.  232;  de 
semel,  Bechtel  loi ;  de  sursum,  R.  233,  G.  203,  Bon.  484;  — e 
contra,  G.  203;  ex  tunc,  R.  433;  —  in  ante,  Bon.  484,  Lat. 
Spr.  487;  in  contra,  R.  235;  in  hodie,  Bechtel  102;  in  mane, 
Bechtel  102;  *  in  semel.  Substrate  III,  268. 

Petronius  (Waters  Ch.  38)  says:  Ubi  semel  res  i?iclinata 
amici  de  medio. 

The  following  compounds  are  of  a  still  different  nature:  ac 
sic.  Per.  40,8,  etc.;  et  sic.  Per.  39,17,  etc.;  usque  hodie,  G.  426, 
Per.  68, 13. 

f.  PREPOSITIONS. 

48.  Some  of  these  adverbial  compounds,  and  some  others 
similar  to  them,  were  used  as  prepositions:  ab  ante,  Lexique 
40; — de  ante,  Bechtel  102;  de  inter,  Bechtel  102,  Haag  75;  de 
intus;  de  retro;  in  ante;  in  contra.  Cf.  E.  Wolfflin,  Abante,  in 
Archiv  I,  437.    Slightly  different  is  intus  in,  Bechtel  102. 

A  compound  made  up  of  preposition  +  noun  is  found  in: 
in  giro  (followed  by  the  ablative  or  the  accusative),  Bechtel 
102;  in  medio,  Bechtel  102;  per  girum  and  per  giro  =  circa, 
Bechtel  102. 

Some  compounds  consist  of  two  prepositions:  *  de  ad  (>  It. 
day;  de  post,  R.  235;  de  sub,  R.  235;  de  super,  Bon.  484. 

g.  CONJUNCTIONS. 

49.  At  ubi  d.viA  ad  ubi.  Bon.  484-486  (cf.  Per.  74,28,  85,15, 
etc.);  et  at  ubi.  Per.  72,19,  75,3. 

^  Romance  da^  dad  may  be  tlie  result  of  a  fusion  rather  than  a  combination  of  de 
and  ad.  In  any  case  it  is  probably  a  late  product.  Some  have  thought  it  came  from 
de-\-ab.  Mohl,  Lexique  3S-47,  says  da  is  found  from  the  7th  century  on  ;  he  would 
derive  It.  and  Old  Sp.  da,  Sardinian  dave,  das,  Raetian  dad  from  the  Oscan  da,  dat 
and  from  a  southern  Latin  *  dab'i,  *  dabe. 


II.  SYNTAX. 


A.  ORDER  OF  WORDS.'^ 

50.  The  Romance  order  is  simpler  and  more  rational  than 
that  of  Classic  Latin.  It  does  not  permit  the  arbitrary- 
separation  of  members  that  belong  together,  such  as  the  prep- 
osition and  the  word  it  governs,  or  the  adjective  and  the 
noun  it  modifies,  as  in  Ovid's  *'In  nova  fert  animus  mutatas 
dicere  formas  corpora."  Neither  does  it  allow  the  collocation 
of  words  of  the  same  part  of  speech  that  belong  logically  in 
different  places,  as  in  the  "In  multis  hoc  rebus  dicere  habe- 
mus"  of  Lucretius.  The  most  irrational  features  of  the 
Classic  Latin  construction  were  surely  artifical,  and  were  not 
characteristic  of  daily  speech.  Nevertheless  there  is  really  a 
fundamental  difference  between  the  old  order  and  the  new: 
Romance  has,  so  to  speak,  a  crescendo,  Latin  to  a  certain 
extent  2^  diminuendo  movement  i^Lat,  Spr.  491);  Romance  puts 
the  emphasis  at  the  end,  Latin  very  frequently  in  the  middle. 
The  principle,  however,  is  not  primarily  rhythmic,  but  psychic, 
the  difference  being  due  to  a  diverse  conception  of  the 
structure  of  language :  Romance  inclines  more  to  put  the 
modifier  after  the  word  modified.  The  modern  order  is  the 
more  logical,  proceeding  from  the  known  to  the  unknown. 
The  old  arrangement  is  exemplified  by  this  sentence:  "Fabius 

^See  Meyer-Liibke,  Gram.  Ill,  for  a  comprehensive  account  of  Romance  syntax. 
*  See  Elise  Richter,  Zur  Entwicklung  der  romanischen  Wortstellung  aus  der 
lateinischen,  1903,  from  which  work  most  of  the  matter  of  this  chapter  was  taken. 

30 


§  52]  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  31 

aequatus  imperio  Hannibalem  et  virtute  et  fortuna  superiorem 
vidit."  The  following  examples  illustrate  the  later  structure: 
"Mors  perfecit  tua  ut  essent  omnia  brevia,"  "Haec  loca  sunt 
montuosa  et  natura  impedita  ad  rem  militarem."  The  change 
constitutes  a  progress  in  language ;  all  cultivated  peoples  have 
made  it.  It  is  indigenous  in  Latin,  not  imitated  from  the 
Greek,  which  independently  effected  the  same  transformation. 

51.  The  modern  order  was  not  abruptly  substituted  for  the 
old.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  to  be  found  in  Latin,  with  generally 
increasing  frequency,  in  inscriptions  and  popular  writers,  from 
the  earliest  texts  down;  it  occurs  sporadically  also  in  literary 
authors,  especially  in  Cicero.  Petronius  has  notably  short 
periods  and  an  approach  to  the  new  structure.  But  until  the 
fourth  century  the  majority  of  Latin  sentences  have  the  old 
arrangement.  Classic  Latin  may  be  said  to  represent  an  in- 
termediate stage,  while  the  revolution  was  in  progress;  there 
was  a  long  struggle,  and  for  centuries  the  ancient  and  the 
modern  type  were  used  side  by  side.  By  the  fourth  century 
the  new  order  prevailed.  Here  is  a  characteristic  passage 
from  the  Peregrinatio :  "Hcec  est  autem  vallis  ingens  et  planis- 
sima,  in  qua  filii  Israhel  commorati  sunt  his  diebus,  quod 
sanctus  Moyses  ascendit  in  montem  Domini,  et  fuit  ibi  qua- 
draginta  diebus  et  quadraginta  noctibus"  (^Per.  37,21-24).  The 
following  is  a  good  sample  of  the  style  of  the  Vulgate:  "Cui 
respondit  Dominus:  Qui  peccaverit  mihi,  delebo  eum  de  libro 
meo;  tu  autem  vade,  et  due  populum  istum  quo  locutus  sum 
tibi;  angelus  meus  prsecedet  te.  Ego  autem  in  die  ultionis 
visitabo  et  hoc  peccatum  eorum"  {Exodus  XXXII,  33,  34). 

52.  There  was  always  a  tendency  to  put  a  stressed  word 
first,  followed  by  an  unaccented  one,  such  as  a  connective  or 
an  atonic  pronoun  (^Lat,  Spr.  490).    According  to  Meyer- 


32  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  55 


Liibke,  Zs.  XXI,  313,  personal  pronouns,  when  unstressed, 
were  always  enclitic  in  Latin,  and  were  attached  preferably  to 
the  first  word  in  the  sentence  ;  and  so  it  was  in  the  early  stages 
of  the  Romance  languages:  cf.  It.  vedolo  but  non  lo  vedOy 
aiutatemi  but  or  m^aiutate;  Fr.  voit  le  but  qui  le  voit.  The 
definite  article,  however,  precedes  its  noun  in  all  the  Romance 
languages  except  Rumanian  and  Albanian  (Zauner  40). 

53.  In  dependent  clauses,  which  were  naturally  of  less  im- 
portance, the  old  order  survived  longer  than  in  independent. 
In  a  few  other  respects  the  old  arrangement  lingered  and  under 
certain  conditions  is  still  preserved:  negative  and  intensive 
adverbs  precede  their  verb ;  under  some  circumstances  the 
object  may  come  before  the  verb,  and  sometimes  the  whole 
predicate  precedes;  in  certain  constructions  the  dependent 
infinitive  may  stand  before  the  finite  verb  (as  Pr.  morir 
volgra). 

B.  USE  OF  WORDS. 

54.  There  were  great  changes  in  the  functions  of  pronouns, 
prepositions,  conjunctions,  and  adverbs.  Many  uses  of  prepo- 
sitions are  connected  with  the  loss  of  inflections:  these  will  be 
discussed  under  the  Use  of  Inflections.  A  definite  and  an 
indefinite  article  developed  out  of  ille  and  unus. 

I.  NOUNS  AND  ADJECTIVES. 

55.  For  the  simplification  of  inflections,  see  the  Use  of  In- 
flections, 

Repetition  for  intensive  eflect  is  not  uncommon  in  late 
writers  :  Commodian,  malum  malum^  Wolfilin  4 ;  bene  bene, 
bonis  bonisyfortis  fortis,  mains  maluSy  etc.,  R.  280.    Cf.  §  40. 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


33 


a.  COMPARISON. 

56.  Little  by  little  the  old  comparative  and  superlative  lost 
their  precise  sense  from  being  employed  frequently  with  merely 
an  intensive  force  (Wolfflin  83).  The  comparative  came  to 
be  used  for  a  superlative,  as  omfiium  levior  (Wolfflin  68-71), 
and  also  for  a  positive,  as  Ovid's  inertior  cetas  (Wolfflin  63-68); 
and  the  superlative  was  often  really  a  positive  in  meaning,  as 
in  St.  Augustine's  sancta  atque  dulcissima  (Wolfflin  57-63), 
and  in  hie  est filius  mens  carissimus^  etc.  (  R.  415-417).  From 
early  times  certain  periphrases  were  used  to  emphasize  the 
comparative  idea,  as  Plautus,  melius  sanus  (Wolfflin  16);  An- 
thimus, ////i-  coiigruus  and  viaxime  coiigruus  (Wolfflin  16;  cf. 
maxime  pessima,  etc.,  R.  280);  Vitruvius,  magis  melior,  etc. 
(Wolfflin  46);  Commodian, ///vi- /<?z;z^?r,  etc.  (Wolfflin  47).  To 
avoid  ambiguity,  the  plus  and  magis  constructions  were  em- 
ployed more  and  more  to  express  a  distinct  comparison :  plus 
miser  in  Tertullian,  plus  formosus  in  Nemesianus,  plus  dulce^ 
plus  felix^  etc.,  in  Sidonius  Apollinaris  (Wolfflin  29).  Finally, 
toward  the  end  of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period,  this  formation 
came  to  be  popularly  regarded  as  the  regular  one :  magis 
mirabilem,  Sepulcri  232  ;  plus popularis,  magis  .  .  .  praclarumy 
Bon.  451.  Many  old  comparative  forms  remained,  however, 
in  common  use.  Cf.  Adverbs.  In  the  Romance  languages  a 
substitute  for  the  superlative  was  made  by  prefixing  the  defi- 
nite article  to  the  comparative;  it  is  likely  that  this  device 
existed  in  late  Vulgar  Latin,  but  no  example  of  it  has  been 
found.    See  ^r<r/^2V  VIII,  166-170. 

b.  NUMERALS,' 

57»  Unus  was  used  as  an  indefinite  article,  occasionally  in 
Classic  Latin,  frequently  in  late  and  popular  writers :  lepida 


^  For  the  forms  of  numerals,  see  Morphology. 


34  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  62 

. . .  una  ,  . .  mulier^  Plautus,  Pseud.  948  ;  unus  servus^  Petronius, 
Waters  Ch.  26;  accessit  ad eum  una  sorella,  R.  425  ;  cf.  Per.  48, 
25,  etc. 

58.  Ordinal  numerals,  except  a  few  of  the  smallest,'  were 
apparently  not  much  used  in  popular  speech  after  the  fifth 
century. 

2.  PRONOUNS. 

59.  Pronouns  were  much  more  used  than  in  Classic  Latin  : 
G.  408-409. 

a.  PERSONAL  AND  POSSESSIVE  PRONOUNS. 

60.  The  personal  pronouns  came  into  more  and  more  fre- 
quent use.  Ego  and  tu  are  very  common  in  Petronius.  The 
demonstratives,  especially  ///«?,  were  employed  as  personal  pro- 
nouns of  the  third  person.  The  adverb  inde  came  to  be  used 
occasionally  as  a  genitive  neuter  pronoun :  nemo  inde  dubitat, 
Regnier  10;  exinde—Yx.  en,  Bon.  580. 

Many  pronouns  developed  double  forms,  according  as  they 
were  accented  or  unaccented  (as  suus  and  sus):  see  Morphol- 
ogy.   Cf.  §158. 

There  was  great  irregularity  in  the  use  of  reflexives,  espe- 
cially the  possessives,  suus  being  generally  substituted  for 
ejus.    See  Lat.  Spr.  489,  G.  403-404,  Hoppe  102-103,  Dubois 

b.  DEMONSTRATIVES. 

61.  Idem  went  out  of  popular  use,  being  replaced  by  ille 
and  ipse.  For  the  encroachment  of  ipse  on  ide7n,  see  Hoppe 
104,  Bayard  133. 

62.  /j,  too,  was  often  replaced  by  ille  and  ipse  (Bechtel 
145),  and  eventually  was  preserved  in  vulgar  speech  only  in 
the  combination  eccum  {=ecce  hum)^  where  it  was  not  recog- 


§  65]  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  35 

nized,^  and  in  the  extremely  common  phrase  id ipsum  (>  It. 
desso),  where  likewise  the  id  lost  its  significance.  This  last 
compound  was  used  as  a  neuter  pronoun,  meaning  '  it '  or 
'that,'  as  id  ipsum  sapife,  R.  424  (cf.  R.  424-425,  G.  407, 
Quillacq  126),  and  also  as  a  demonstrative  adjective,  generally- 
invariable,  as  id  ipsum  velam^  R.  424,  in  id  ipsum  monastyriu, 
Franz.  9  II,  2,  in  id  ipsam  rem^  Fra7iz.  3  II,  2. 

63.  Hic^  ille^  and  iste  came  to  be  used  indiscriminately  (G. 
405-406,  Hoppe  104,  Bayard  130-132);  there  are  examples  of 
iste  for  hie  in  Caesar's  time  ( Densusianu  178).  Hie  and  too, 
were  confused  by  late  writers  (Bayard  132).  Toward  the  end 
of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period  hie  was  apparently  going  out  of 
common  use,  with  the  exception  of  the  neuter  hoe. 

64.  A  combination  of  two  demonstratives  was  common  in 
Christian  writers :  is  ipse,  iste  ipse,  ipse  ille,  ille  ipse,  iste  ilk, 
iste  hie,  hie  ipse.    The  last  three  have  left  no  trace. 

65.  Eeee  and  eecum  (pronounced  eccu)  were  used  as  demon- 
strative prefixes  (cf.  §24):  we  find  early  ecee  ego,  eeee  tu,  eeee 
hie,  eeee  nune ;  also  eeee  iste,  eeee  ille,  such  combinations  being 
common  in  Plautus.  The  final  stage,  probably  not  reached 
until  the  end  of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period,  is  the  fusion  of  the 
two  parts  into  one  word. 

Atque,  too,  was  perhaps  used  as  a  prefix  {Gram.  II,  646): 
Plautus,  atque  ipse  illie  est  {Epidieus  91),  atque  is  est  {Stiehus 
582).  G.  Ascoli,  however,  Intorno  ai  eontinuatori  ?teolatini  del 
lat.  ^^ipsu-"  in  Arehivio glottologieo  italiano  XV,  303  (discussing 
Sp.  aquese,  Pg.  aquesse,  Catalan  aqueix,  etc.),  maintains  that 
eecu''  was  the  basis  in  all  the  Empire.  At  any  rate,  eeeu"*  was 
influenced  in  some  regions,  especially  in  Spain  and  southern 
Gaul,  by  atque  or  ae  (as  in  ac  sie). 


^Cf.  Plautus,  Mil.  Glor.  I,  25 :  «  Ubi  tu's  ?  —  Eccum." 


36  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  69 

When  iste  and  ille  lost  their  distinctive  force,  people  said  for 

*  this '  eccHste  or  eccuHste^  for  '  that '  ecc'ille  or  eccuHlle.  These 
compounds  developed  into  ^  ecceste,  *  acceste,  *  ceste^  ^ eccueste, 

*  accueste^  ^  cueste  and  *  eccelle^  *  accelle,  ^  celle,  *  eccuelle^ 
*accuelle,  *  cue  lie. 

66.  The  suffix  -met  was  used  also  as  an  intensive  prefix, 
ipsemet  becoming  metipse  through  such  combinations  as  temet 
ipsiim  (Ecclus.  XXX,  22),  semet ipsum  (^Philip.  II,  8).  Cf.  §24. 
Ego  met  ipse  is  blamed  by  Donatus  (^Lat.  Spr.  484). 

Beside  ipse^  there  was  an  emphatic  form  ipstvius  (used  by 
Petronius:  Waters  Ch.  69,  etc.).  This,  with  the  prefix  met-^ 
became  *  metipsimus. 

67.  Ille^  hie,  ipse,  is,  especially  ille,  were  used  as  personal 
pronouns  of  the  third  person.    Cf.  §  60. 

68.  Ille,  hie,  ipse,  is  were  used  also  as  definite  articles.  Ille 
in  this  function  is  very  common:  R.  419-420  {cito  proferte 
mihi  stolam  illam  primam).  Examples  of  the  others  are  by  no 
means  infrequent:  hie,  R.  427  {virum  hwic  cujus  est  zona  h(ec)% 
ipse,  R.  423  {in  ipsa  77iultitudine)\  is,  R.  423-425.  This  use  of 
is  was  probably  more  literary  than  popular. 

c.  INTERROGATIVES  AND  RELATIVES. 

69.  The  forms  were  greatly  confused  by  late  writers.  In 
Bon.  391-396  we  find  qui  used  as  n.  sg.  and  pi.;  quce  as  m.,  as 
n.,  as  acc.  f.  sg.,  as  acc.  m.  pi. ;  quod  as  m.,  as  f.  pi.,  as  n.  pi. ; 
quern  as  n. ;  qua  very  often  as  n.  pi.  (395-396). 

In  popular  speech  qui  was  apparently  used  regularly  for 
quis :  AudoUent  549,  Quillacq  126-127,  Bon.  391-392;  it  is 
common  in  inscriptions.  Furthermore,  the  masculine  took 
the  place  of  the  feminine  quce ;  it  occurs  in  Christian  inscrip- 
tions from  the  fifth  century  on :  cf.  R.  276  {qui,  quem  for  qucB^ 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


37 


quam),  Haag  51,  Bon.  390-391,  394  {qui  f.  sg.  and  f.  pi.,  quern 
f.),  Archiv  I,  53  {qui  for  quce  in  528  a.  d.).  Quid^  moreover, 
gradually  encroached  on  quod:  Bon.  393. 

70.  Qualis  was  kept,  and  was  used  as  an  interrogative  and 
as  a  relative.  The  adverb  unde  came  to  have  occasionally  the 
meaning  of  French  dont  (Bon.  580;  Zs.  Beiheft  7,  178),  and 
eventually  '*  de  unde,  *d^u?tde,  was  employed  as  a  relative  pro- 
noun.   Cf.  §  84. 

d.  INDEFINITE  PRONOUNS. 

71.  Some  Classic  Latin  pronouns  fell  into  disuse,  and  some 
new  compounds  were  made.  The  principal  indefinite  pronouns 
and  adjectives  used  in  late  popular  speech  are  as  follows :  — 

aliquanti  took  the  place  of  aliqui  and  aliquot:  aliquanta  oppida  cepity 
G.  415- 

aliquis  flourished  especially  in  the  west:  Sp.  alguien,  Pg.  alguem.  The 
neuter  aliquid  was  more  extended :  Pr.  alques, 
altqui  ilnus  >  * aliquTinus  * aliciinus. 

alms  and  alter  viQxe  confused  in  common  speech:  G.  415-417;  Plautus, 
alius  filius,  G.  417.  This  confusion  is  more  frequent  in  late  Latin:  St. 
Jerome,  nemo  judicat  alterum,  G.  416.  There  is  evidence  of  the  retention  of 
the  old  neuter  alid  (Lucretius  I,  263):  Archiv  I,  237. 

cata  was  probably  introduced,  along  the  Mediterranean,  by  Greek  mer- 
chants, in  such  phrases  as  cata  unum  =  Kaff  tva,  cata  tres  —  Kard  rpeh. 
Hence  *cata  iinus^  *cat'  times,  etc.    Cf.  §  19. 

Mmo  was  used  sometimes  like  French  on:  Per.  55,  25. 

l[nde  came  to  mean,  in  certain  constructions,  'some'  or  'any.' 

magis :  see  plus. 

miiltus. 

*nec  ente  or        ente  was  apparently  used  as  an  equivalent  for  nihil 
Meyer- Liibke,  Gram.  II,  650,  conjectures  *«<?  inde. 
*ji,e  ipse  anus,  *  ne^ps^tinus. 
nec  unus. 

nemo  was  kept  in  Italy,  Sardinia,  and  Dacia:  Lat.  Spr.  485. 
niillus. 

omnis:  see  totus.    Omnis  and  omnia  were  kept  in  Italy. 


38 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


paucus, 
persona. 

plus  and  magis  were  confused:  G.  427,  Regnifir  108-109  ^^'^o,nto  plus 
tenetur  tanto  plus  tinietur^  109). 
qualis, 

quantus,  tantus  replaced  quot,  tot.  There  are  examples  as  early  as 
Propertius:  Densusianu  179.  Cf.  Driiger  104,  §  53,  R.  336-337,  G. 
413-415  (St.  Jerome,  quanti  justi  esuriunt,  414;  Claudian,  tantis  lacri- 
415). 

qui. 

qulque. 

qtds. 

qmsque,  qutsquis.     Quisque  was  much  extended  (G.  409-411),  being 
used  for  quisquis  and  quicumqtce  (Bayard  135). 
res  and  res  nata  —  'anyone',  'anything':  R.  345. 
talis. 

tantus :  see  quantus. 

'  totus,  pronounced  also  tottus  (S.  121)  and  perhaps  ^tiittus,  was  some- 
times used  iox  omnis :  Plautus,  totis  horis,  Mil.  Glor.  212.  This  use  was 
common  in  late  Latin:  Densusianu  178,  Bechtel  143,  R.  338,  G.  402-403 
{tola  tormenta  diaboli  in  me  veniant,  403).    Cf.  §§  163,  204,  (2). 

unus. 

3.  VERBS. 

72.  Frequent  in  late  Latin  is  a  pleonastic  use  of  debeo, 
Bon.  691-693:  commonens  ut .  , .  custodire  debeanf,  692.  Cf. 
§117.    Compare  the  old  Italian  use  of  dovere. 

There  is  also  a  common  pleonastic  use  of  c(zpi  with  the  in- 
finitive, instead  of  the  perfect:  see  §  124. 

Videri^  too,  is  often  used  pleonastically:  Bayard  99-100. 

4.  ADVERBS. 

73.  The  words  referring  to  the  "place  in  which"  and  the 
"place  into  which"  were  confused,  ubi  being  used  for  quo^  ibi 
for  eo:  Lat.  Spr.  488.    Unde  was  employed  in  the  sense  of 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


39 


*where'  (Zs.  Beiheft  7,  157);  also  'therefore'  and  *where- 
fore':  £>zc  amice  unde  tristis  es,  Regnier  110;  cf.  §  84. 

74.  P/us  was  often  substituted  for  magis^  and  magis  for 
potius :  Bayard  110.    Plus  and  magis  were  used  more  and 

j  more  for  comparison,  and  the  old  comparative  and  superlative 
forms  became  rarer:  see  §  56.  Repetition  was  used  for  in- 
tensive effect:  Seneca,  semper  semper^  Wolfflin  5.  Bene^ 
multum,  satis  were  employed  as  intensives  more  than  in 
Classic  Latin.  Totiim  occurs  often  as  an  adverb:  Per.  37,14, 
and  many  other  places;  Dubois  332. 

75.  Double  negation  is  frequent:  R.  446-447  {nec  facto 
nihil,  etc.).  Nofi  for  ne  with  the  subjunctive  is  common:  G. 
435,  Regnier  no.  The  absolute  use  of  ?ion,  meaning  *  no', 
occurs  occasionally:  Dicit  unus  ex  uno  angulo:  Ecce  hie  est. 
Alius  ex  alio  angulo-.  No?t,  sed  ecce  hie  est,  Regnier  in. 

5.  PREPOSITIONS. 

76.  The  functions  of  prepositions  were  very  much  extended 
(Bayard  137-158):  see  Use  of  Inflections,  Cases. 

77.  Ah,  according  to  Mohl,  Lexique  43,  is  not  found  in 
any  of  the  Italic  dialects  except  Latin.  It  apparently  has  no 
successors  in  the  Romance  languages,  having  been  replaced  by 
de,  which  also,  from  the  third  century  on,  usurped  the  place  of 
ex  {Lat.  Spr.  487,  R.  395-396,  Hoppe  38):  de  palatio  exit, 
Bechtel  105;  egredere  de  ecclesia,  Bechtel  105;  de  utero  matris 
nati  sunt  sic,  R.  395;  egressus  de  area,  G.  339;  muri  de  lapide 
jaspide,  G.  342;  vivo  de  decimis,  G.  341;  de  adversario  .  .  . 
aliquid  postulai'e,  Hoppe  38 ;  nec  de  cubiculo  .  .  .  procedit, 
Hoppe  38. 

78.  Ad  for  apud  occurs  in  Plautus,  Terence,  and  others 


40  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  so 

(Oliver  5-6),  and  is  common  in  late  writers  (R.  390-392, 
Urbat  10):  ad  ipsum  fo?item  facta  est  oratio,  Bechtel  103;  ad 
nos,  Bechtel  104;  cf.  Per.  42,27.  For  the  most  part  apud  was 
replaced  by  ad,  except  in  Gaul,  where  it  was  kept  with  the 
sense  of  cum:  Haag  74,  Urbat  27  (^tractans  apud  me  metipsum; 
also  ab  una  manu  pallas  altaris  tenerem,  etc.,  where  ab  seems 
to  be  used  for  apud).  Apud  is  used  for  cum  by  Sulpicius 
Severus,  and  more  frequently  by  later  authors:  Lat.  Spr.  489. 
According  to  F.  G.  Mohl,  La  preposition  cum  et  ses  successeurs 
en  gallo-roma?i  in  Bausteine  61,  apud  is  repeatedly  found  for 
cum  in  the  Latin  writers  of  Gaul,  and  cum  for  apud  in  Gregory 
of  Tours;  cum  probably  disappeared  from  actual  use  in  Gaul 
by  the  fourth  century;  apud,  being,  as  he  says,  a  new  word, 
had  a  great  vogue  in  authors  of  the  second  and  third  centuries, 
a  critical  period  for  Gaul,  and  so  came  to  supplant  cum  in  that 
country.^ 

79.  Pro  often  had  the  sense  of  'for,'  and  replaced  ob  and 
propter :  fides  pro  Ufia  muliere  perfida,  G.  343  ;  volo  pro  legentis 
facilitate  abuti  sermone  vulgato,  G.  343  ;  atte?idimus  locum  ilium 
pro  memoria  illius,  Bechtel  106.  Fro  itself  was  partially  re- 
placed by  per  (cf.  §  14),  but  was  substituted  for  per  in  other 
regions  (Urbat  34-35)- 

80.  Circa,  in  the  Empire,  frequently  meant  'concerning': 
frustrati  circa  veritatem,  Hoppe  37.  fuxta  often  signified  *  ac- 
cording to  ' :  juxta  consuetudinem,  Bechtel  105  ;  juxta  drachmce 
exemplum,  Hoppe  37.  Super  sometimes  replaced  de:  fallere 
vos  super  hanc  rem,  Bechtel  106;  super  anima  commendatus, 
Hoppe  41. 

^  Mohl  would  derive  the  Old  It.  not  from  apud,  but  from  *  ad  post  (p.  71) ; 

Fr.  avec,  not  from  apud  +  hoc,  but  from  ad  hoc  (pp.  75-76).  Pr.  ab  he  takes  from 
apud,  but  Pr.  am  from  Italic  amb,  am. 


§  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  41 


81.  Retro ^  subtus^  de  /oris,  forisy  foras  were  freely  used  as 
prepositions  (R.  398-400,  G.  334):  vade  retro  me^  R.  399; 
subtus  terram^  R.  399. 

6.  CONJUNCTIONS. 

82.  Quody  quia,  quoniam  (and  after  jubere,  ut :  R.  427-428) 
are  used  very  often  by  late  writers  instead  of  the  accusative 
and  infinitive  construction:  R.  402,  Regnier  112-113. 
with  the  infinitive  is  not  infrequent :  R.  445-446.  Quod  for 
2// is  very  common:  Audollent  549.  ^z/^?^ came  to  be  much 
used  in  the  sense  of  *  that ' :  Per,  48,  27,  etc.  Eventually  ut 
was  generally  discarded. 

Cur,  quare  sometimes  replaced  quod  and  quia:  G.  431-432. 
QuiUy  which  in  late  Latin  was  often  reduced  to  qui  or  qua  (see 
§  168)  frequently  took  the  place  of  quod :  Regnier  111-112. 
Quomodo  became  a  great  favorite,  often  supplanting  quandoy 
quody  and  quoniam  :  R.  403.  Quando  displaced  cum  in  the 
temporal  sense.  Qua,  'when',  encroaches  on  quando  in  the 
Peregrifiatio :  46,  22,  etc.;  cf.  Bechtel  119-120. 

83.  took  the  place  of  ^zw  and  utrum  (R.  403-405,  Regnier 
III),  and  was  often  used  for  ne  and  num  (G.  430):  videte  si 
potest  did,  Regnier  in.  Ac  si  frequently  did  service  for 
quasi :  Per.  39,  13,  and  many  other  places;  Bon.  323. 

84.  Aut .  .  .  aut  is  sometimes  equivalent  to  ^/  .  .  .  et:  Per. 
49,24;  cf.  Bayard  161.  Ac  sic  recurs  continually  in  the  Pei-e- 
griftatiOy  meaning  'and  so'  or  'so':  40,  8,  etc.  Tamen  in  the 
same  text  (37,  2,  etc.)  seems  to  be  used,  in  most  cases,  merely 
to  indicate  a  subordinate  clause.  Magis  is  much  employed 
for  *  but '  by  late  writers.  Unde  sometimes  means  '  therefore ' 
and  'wherefore':  G.  424  (^unde  inquit  Dominus)\  cf.  §§  70,  73. 


42  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  86 

C.  USE  OF  INFLECTIONS. 
I.  CASES.i 

85.  In  popular  speech  prepositions  were  more  used,  from 
the  beginning,  than  in  the  literary  language ;  prepositional 
constructions,  as  time  went  on,  increasingly  took  the  place  of 
pure  case  distinctions,  and  the  use  of  cases  became  more  and 
more  restricted.  Hence  arises  in  late  writers  a  great  irregu- 
larity in  the  employment  of  cases^:  G.  302-326,  Quillacq  96- 
103  ;  for  African  Latin,  Archiv  VIII,  174-176  ;  for  confusion 
after  verbs  and  adjectives,  R.  412-415. 

a.  LOCATIVE. 

86.  The  locative,  rare  in  Classic  Latin,  remained  eventually 
only  in  names  of  places.  There  are,  however,  several  examples 
in  the  Peregrinatio :  Bechtel  no,  et  sic  fit  missa  Anastasi,  ut 
fit  missa  ecclesice^  etc.  We  find  remnants  of  the  locative  geni- 
tive \Xi  Agrigenti^  Girgenti^  Arimmi^  Rimini,  Clusii^  Chiusi, 
Flor entice^  Firenze,  Palestince  (G.  322),  etc.;  of  the  locative 
ablative  singular  in  Tlburi^  Tivoli ;  of  the  locative  ablative 
plural  in  Andecdvu^  Angers,  Aquis^  Acqui  Aix,  Astis'^  Asti, 
Finibus^  Fimes,  Parisiis^  Parigi  Paris,  etc.  Cf.  B.  Bianchi 
in  Archivio  glottologico  italiano  IX,  378.  With  other  words, 
and  very  often  with  place  names  also,  the  locative  was  replaced 
by  in  with  the  ablative  (Hoppe  32  :  in  Alexandria)  or  by  ad 
with  the  accusative  (Urbat  10);  the  domi  or  domo  of  Cicero 
becomes  in  domo  in  Seneca.  When  the  locative  of  names  of 
localities  was  kept,  it  generally  came  to  be  regarded  as  an  in- 

^Cf.  Pirson  169-202. 

^  There  is  confusion  even  in  Petronius,  who  occasionally  uses  the  accusative  for 
the  dative  and  the  ablative. 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


43 


variable  form  ;  we  find  sucli  locatives  used  as  nominatives  from 
the  third  century  on:  Lat.  Spr.  481. 

b.  VOCATIVE. 

87.  The  vocative  is  like  the  nominative  in  most  words  in 
Classic  Latin,  and  such  words  as  had  a  separate  vocative  form 
tended  to  discard  it :  vocatives  in  -us^  instead  of  occur  in 
Plautus,  Horace,  and  Livy;  mens  for  mi  is  very  common 
(Regnier  34).  In  Vulgar  Latin  the  vocative  form  probably 
disappeared  entirely,  except  perhaps  in  a  few  set  phrases,  such 
as  mi  domine, 

c.  GENITIVE. 

88.  The  genitive,  little  by  little,  was  supplanted  by  other 
constructions,  generally  by  the  ablative  with  de  (which  occurs 
as  early  as  Plautus),  sometimes  by  the  dative.  Examples 
abound:  expcrs partis  .  .  .  de  nostris  bonis,  Terence  Heaut.  IV, 
I,  39;  partem  de  istius  impudentia,  Cicero,  Verr.  II,  i,  12; 
clerici  de  ipsa  ecclesia,  Bechtel  104;  de  aceto  plenum,  R.  396; 
de  Deo  munus,  R.  396;  curator  de  sacra  via,  R.  426;  de  colenti- 
bus  gentilibusque  multitudo  magna  (also  quidam  ex  eis),  Acts 
XVII,  4;  possessor  de  propria  terra,  Urbat  2q\  de  s  or  ore  nepus, 
Pirson  194;  terminus  de  nostra  donatione,  528  a.  d.,  Archiv  I, 
53;  cf.  Bon.  610 ff.  For  the  partitive  genitive  we  find: 
gustabit  de  meo,  Plautus,  cited  by  Draeger  I,  628;  aliquid  de 
lumine,  Hoppe  38;  neminem  de  prcesentibus,  Hoppe  38;  de 
pomis  =  ^somQ  apples,' 40,10;  de  spiritu  Moysi,  Bechtel 
104;  de  animalibus,  de  oleo,  etc.,  R.  396;  aliquid  habet  de  ve7'e- 
cundia  discipuli,  R.  342 ;  numquid  Zacchceus  de  bono  habebat, 
Regnier  54;  quid  de  scientia,  Sepulcri  217;  de  studentibus,  Pir- 
son 197.    Cf.  Oliver  14. 

89.  According  to  Meyer-Ltibke,  Lat.  Spr.  487,  the  genitive 
probably  ceased  to  be  really  popular,  save  in  set  combinations, 


44  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


by  the  beginning  of  the  third  century.  In  late  Latin  a  wrong 
form  was  often  used :  a  deo  honorem  in  an  inscription  in  Gaul, 
Zs.fr.  Spr.  XXV,  ii,  135;  matre  mece^  alta  node  silentia^  etc., 
Bon.  341-342;  in  /undo  ilia  villa,Qtc.,  D'Arbois  13;  in  honore 
alme  Maria^  etc.,  D'Arbois  91-93. 

The  genitive  was  retained,  however,  in  some  pronouns,  in  a 
good  many  set  phrases,  in  certain  words  that  belonged  es- 
pecially to  clerical  Latin,  and  probably  in  some  proper  names: 
ciljus^  illiijus^  illdrum,  etc.;  lun(E  dies,  est  ministerii,  de  noctis 
tempore''^  It.  di  nolle  lempore  (later  di  nolle  tempo),  etc. ;  ange- 
lorum,  paganorum,  etc.;  It.  Paoli,  Fieri,  etc. 

d.  DATIVE. 

90.  The  dative  was  more  stable  than  the  genitive:  Lat. 
Spr.  487.  We  find,  however,  as  early  as  Plautus,  a  tendency 
to  replace  it  by  the  accusative  with  ad:  ad  carnuficem  dabo^ 
Plautus,  Capl.  1019;  ad  me  magna  nuntiavit,  Plautus,  True.  IV, 
I,  4;  si pecunia  ad  id  lemplum  dala  eril,  inscription  of  57  b.  c, 
C.  I.  L.  IX,  3513;  apparel  ad  agricolas,  Varro,  De  Re  Ruslica 
1,40;  ad propinquos  restiluit,  Livy  II,  13  —  constructions  freely 
used  by  Classic  authors.  Inasmuch  as  the  dative,  in  the  sing- 
ular of  most  nouns  and  in  the  plural  of  all,  was  identical  in 
form  either  with  the  ablative  or  with  the  genitive  (e.  g.,  causce 
causis,  muro  muris,  mari  maribus'),  the  fear  of  ambiguity  natur- 
ally fostered  this  practice  and  the  substitution  became  very 
general  in  most  of  the  Empire:  ail  ad  me,  Per.  64,8;  dicens 
ad  eu?n,  etc.,  Bechtel  102-103  ;  cujn  hcsc  ad  vest  ram  affedionem 
darem,  Bechtel  103  ;  fui  ad  episcopum  — '  I  went  to  the  bishop  ', 
Bechtel  104  ;  loquitur  ad  Jeremiam,  G.  329  ;  ad  quern  promissio 
fada,  G.  329  ;  ad  quem  dixit,  Sepulcri  218  ;  Dominus  ad  Moy- 
sen  dicit,  Urbat  12  ;  ad  me  restituit  omne  regnum,  Urbat  12  • 
ad  Dei  officio  paraius,  Pirson  194.    Cf.  Lat.  Spr.  488,  Oliver 


§  92]  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  45 


3-4.  Sometimes  super^  not  ad^  was  used:  imposuerat  manus 
super  eum,  Bechtel  105;  super  me  misericordiam  prcestare^ 
Bechtel  105. 

91.  The  dative  remained  in  Dacia,  and  lingered  rather  late 
in  Gaul  {Lat.  Spr.  481);  elsewhere  it  probably  disappeared 
from  really  popular  speech  by  the  end  of  the  Empire,  except 
in  pronouns  {cut,  illui  tilt,  etc.,  ml,  tibi,  etc.). 

Rumanian  has  kept  the  dative,  in  its  original  function  and 
also  as  a  genitive,  in  the  first  declension  (as  case),  and  so  in 
feminine  adjectives  (as  romine). 

e.  ABLATIVE. 

92.  The  analytical  tendency  of  speech,  reinforced  by  the 
analogy  of  prepositional  substitutes  for  the  genitive  and  dative, 
favored  the  use  of  prepositions  with  the  ablative,  to  distinguish 
its  various  functions.    For  dez^  'than,'  see  Zs.  XXX,  641. 

Ab  is  common :  ab  omni  specie  idololatrice  intactum,  Hoppe, 
36  ;  ab  sceleribus parce,  G.  335;  a  came  superatur,  G.  337  ;  ab 
scriptura  sancta  commemoratos,  Regnier  ^  \  \  a  prcemio  minorem 
esse,  St.  Cyprian,  cited  by  Wolfflin  52;  ab  Ariulfi  astutia  de- 
ceptus,  Sepulcri  218. 

De  is  the  most  frequent :  erubescens  de  infaviia  sua,  Hoppe 
14;  de  singularitate  famosum,  Hoppe  33  ;  nobilior  de  obsoletiore 
matrice,  Hoppe  33;  digni  de  coelo  Cas tores,  Hoppe  34;  gaudet 
de  co7itumelia  sua,  Hoppe  34;  de  victus  necessitate  causatur^ 
Hoppe  35;  de  vestra  rideat  cemulatione,  Hoppe  36;  de  manibus 
suis,  Bechtel  104;  de  oculis,  Bechtel  104  (cf.  de  se,  Bechtel 
105);  occidam  de  lancea,  R.-393  ;  patrem  de  regno  privavit,  R. 
426;  de  virgine  natus  est,  Regnier  54;  de  te  beati  sunt,  Regnier 
56.    Cf.  R.  392-395,  G.  339-342,  Regnier  54-56. 

Ex  occurs  also:  ex  causa  humance  salutis^  Hoppe  33;  ex 
infirmitate  fatigata,  Sepulcri  218. 


46  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§  95 

In  is  often  found:  in  illo  die^  Hoppe  31  ;  quo  in  tempore^ 
Hoppe  31 ;  in  maxilla  asince  delevi  mille  viros,  R.  397 ;  in  camo 
et  freno  maxillas  eorum  constringe^  Fs.  XXXI,  9 ;  in  amo7'e  Dei 
ferventes,  G.  347  ;  in  bo?iis  operibus  abundetis^  Regnier  60.  Cf. 
396-397»  G.  344-347>  Regnier  58  ff. 

93.  Sometimes  ad  or  per  with  the  accusative  is  substituted 
for  the  ablative:  per  hoc,  Hoppe  33;  ad  diem,  Bechtel  103;  ad 
horam  sextant  aguntiir,  etc.,  Bechtel  103-104;  per  7iomen 
vocavit,  Sepulcri  218;  pugnare  ad  ursos,  ad  unum  gladii  ictum 
caput  desecare,  Lat.  Spr.  488. 

94.  The  use  of  prepositions  became  really  neccessary  in  the 
late  spoken  language,  because,  after  the  fall  of  final  m  and  the 
loss  of  quantitative  distinctions  in  unaccented  syllables,  the 
ablative  differed  little  or  not  at  all  from  the  accusative  in  the 
singular  of  most  words :  causdm  causa,  donum  dono,  patrem 
patre,  fructum  fructu,  diem  die.  It  is  likely  that  before  the  end 
of  the  Empire  the  ablative  plural  form  was  generally  discarded, 
the  accusative  being  used  in  its  stead,  and  that  the  ablative 
and  accusative  singular  were  pronounced  alike,  in  all  words, 
in  most  of  the  Latin  territory.  The  fusion  of  the  two  cases 
was  doubtless  helped  by  the  fact  that  certain  prepositions 
might  be  combined  with  either  accusative  or  ablative. 

95.  There  is  evidence  of  the  confusion  of  accusative  and 
ablative  as  early  as  the  first  century,  but  it  was  probably  not 
very  common  before  the  third.  Cum  with  the  accusative  is 
very  frequent:  cum  suos  discentes,  cum  sodales,  in  inscriptions^ 
Lat.  SpK  488;  cum  epistolam,  Bechtel  95  ;  cum  res  nostras, 
D'Arbois  27.  Cf.  E.  K.  Rand  in  Modern  Philology  II,  263, 
footnote  5. 

The  accusative  form  is  substituted  for  the  ablative  after 


§  97]  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  47 

other  prepositions:  a  monazontes,  Bechtel  94; — de  eo  torrentetn^ 
Bechtel  96  ;  de  actus,  Bechtel  96  ;  de  hoc  ipsud,  Bechtel  96  ;  de 
martyrium,  Bechtel  96;  de  carnem,  etc.,  R.  406-412;  de  ipsas 
villas,  D'Arbois  i^j  \  de  rigna  nostra,  D'Arbois  70-71  ; — ex  fines 
tuos,  etc.,  R.  406-412; —  videbo  te  in  publicum.  Waters  Ch.  58; 
in  finem  Deus  fecit  ccelum  et  terram,  Qtc,  Hoppe  40-41  ;  12  ex- 
amples of  ///  +  acc.  for  abl.  in  Per.,  Bechtel  97-98;  erat  in 
medium  maris,  R.  410; — pro  hoc  ipsud,  Bechtel  loi;  pro  nos, 
D'Arbois  152;  —  sine  fructum,  etc.,  R.  406-412. 

96.  Conversely,  the  ablative  form  is  very  often  written  for 
the  accusative :  ad  ecclesia  majore,  Bechtel  94  ;  —  arite  sole, 
ante  cruce,  Bechtel  95;  ante  sole,  etc.,  R.  406-412;  —  circa 
puteo,  Bechtel  95  ;  —  contra  ipso  loco,  Bechtel  95  ;  — foras 
ecclesia,  Bechtel  96;  —  in  came  conversa,  etc.,  Hoppe  40-41  ; 
in  the  Per.,  in  4-  abl.  for  acc.  is  three  times  as  common  as  the 
correct  use  of  +  acc,  Bechtel  94-101  ;  venit  in  civitate  sua^ 
etc.,  R.  406-412;  —  intra  civitate  sua,  Bechtel  99;  intro  spe- 
lunca,  Bechtel  99  ;  — -juxta  aqua  ipsa,  Bechtel  99  ;  — per  valle 
ilia,  and  21  other  cases  of  /^rn-abl.,  Bechtel  100; — post 
lectione,  Bechtel  \oo\  post  morte,  etc.,  R.  406-412;  —  prope 
luce,  Bechtel  loi  ;  — propter  populo,  Bechtel  loi;  —  super 
civitate  hac,  Bechtel  loi. 

97.  The  ablative  was  kept  only  in  some  fixed  expressions, 
such  as  hd7-d,  ist^  anno,  quomodo,  pari  mente,  etc.;  perhaps  in 
such  phrases  as  It.  vendere  cento  soldi,  etc. ;  probably  in  some 
proper  names  with  de,  as  Delia  Casa.  It  is  likely,  too,  that 
the  ablative  absolute  survived  in  a  few  common  expressions, 
like  It.  cio  fatto;  generally,  however,  in  popular  speech,  the 
nominative  absolute  took  its  place:  Bechtel  1 09-1 10,  et  bene- 
dicens  7ios  episcopus profecti  sumus,  visa  loca  sancta  omnia  {^Per, 
45,  8),  etc. 


48 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


f.  ACCUSATIVE. 

98.  After  verbs  of  motion  ad  was  often  used,  sometimes  in, 
instead  of  the  simple  accusative:  eamus  in  forum,  Waters  Ch. 

fui  ad  ecclesiam,  Bechtel  103;  ad  Babyloniam  duxit,  G. 
327;  consules  ad  Africam  profecti  sunt,  G.  328;  ad  istam 
regionem  venit,  Regnier  52.    Cf.  Regnier  51-52. 

99.  Duration  of  time  was  expressed  by  per  with  the  ac- 
cusative, also  by  the  ablative :  Bechtel  1 08-9,  per  iotos  octo  dies 
is  ornatus  est,  tota  autem  nocte  vicibus  dicuntur psalmi,  etc. 

g.  FALL  OF  DECLENSION. 

100.  By  the  end  of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period  there  probably 
remained  in  really  popular  use  (aside  from  pronouns  and  a 
number  of  set  formulas)  in  Dacia  only  three  cases,  in  the  rest 
of  the  Empire  only  two  —  a  nominative  and  an  accusative- 
ablative.  Clerics,  however,  naturally  tried  to  write  in  ac- 
cordance with  their  idea  of  correct  Latin. 

2.  VERB-FORMS. 

101.  Many  parts  of  the  verb  went  out  of  popular  use,  and 
were  replaced  by  other  locutions;  these  obsolete  parts  were 
employed  by  writers  with  more  or  less  inaccuracy.  In  the 
parts  that  remained  many  new  tendencies  manifested  them- 
selves. 

a.  IMPERSONAL  PARTS. 

102.  Only  the  present  active  infinitive  and  the  present  and 
perfect  participles  were  left  intact. 

(i)  Supine. 

103.  The  supine  disappeared  from  general  use,  being  re- 
placed, from  the  first  century  on,  by  the  infinitive:  as  cum 


§  io6]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


49 


veneris  ad  bibere^  St.  Augustine,  Sermones  225,  Cap.  4.  Cf, 
Lat.  Spr.  490,  Dubois  275.  In  Rumanian,  however,  the  supine 
was  preserved:  Tiktin  596. 

(2)  Gerund. 

104.  With  the  exception  of  the  ablative  form,  the  gerund 
came  to  be  replaced  by  the  infinitive,  sometimes  with  a  prep- 
osition: dat  manduca?'e,  Lat.  Spr.  490;  quomodo  potest  hie 
nobis  carnem  dare  ad  manducare^  R.  430;  potestatem  curare^ 
necessitas  taeere,  etc.,  G.  363. 

The  ablative  form  of  the  gerund  became  more  and  more  a 
substitute  for  the  present  participle:  ita  miserrimus  fui  fugi- 
tando^  Terence,  Eun.  V,  2,  8;  Draeger  II,  847-849,  cites  Livy, 
conciendo  ad  se  multitudinem^  and  Tacitus,  assurgens  et  popu- 
lando;  hanc  Mareio?i  eaptavit  sic  legendo,  Hoppe  57  ;  multa  vidi 
errando^  Densusianu  179;  qui  pertransivit  benefaciendo  et 
sanandOf  R.  432.  Cf.  R.  432-433.  The  ablative  gerund  was 
sometimes  used  for  a  conditional  clause:  cavendo  salvi  erimus, 
Hoppe  57. 

(3)  Gerundive. 

105.  The  gerundive  was  used  as  a  future  passive  participle, 
with  esse,  from  the  third  century  on,  in  place  of  the  future: 
Jilius  hominis  tradendus  est^  R.  433.  Cf.  R.  433-434,  G.  386- 
388.  Eventually,  however,  the  gerundive  was  discarded,  ex- 
cept in  some  standing  phrases. 

(4)  Future  Active  Participle. 

106.  The  future  active  participle  was  probably  rare  in  late 
Vulgar  Latin,  except  when  it  was  used  with  esse  as  a  substitute 
for  the  future  (as  facturus  sum).  Sometimes,  in  a  literary 
style,  it  took  the  place  of  a  relative  c\2i\ise.\  faveant  mihi  pro 
ejus  nomine pugnaturo^  G.  389.    Cf.  G.  388-389. 


50  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  no 

(5)  Present  Participle. 

107.  The  present  participle  was  kept,  and  was  used  as  an 
adjective  and  as  a  noun:  see  Derivation,  Suffixes  for  Adjectives, 
-ans.  Sometimes  it  was  employed  periphrastically  with  esse: 
si  ipse  est  ascendens  in  ccelos^  G.  389.  Writers  occasionally 
substituted  it  for  a  relative  clause:  nemo  mentiens  plorat^  G. 
388.  Often,  however,  it  was  replaced  by  the  ablative  gerund: 
see  Gerund  above. 

(6)  Perfect  Participle. 

108.  The  perfect  participle  was  kept,  and,  as  will  presently 
be  seen,  its  use  was  greatly  extended  through  new  methods  of 
forming  the  passive  and  the  perfect  tenses.  Verbs  that  had 
no  perfect  participle  were  obliged  to  make  one. 

(7)  Infinitive. 

109.  The  perfect  and  passive  infinitive  forms  eventually 
disappeared:  see  Voice  and  Tense  below.  In  late  writers, 
however,  the  perfect  instead  of  the  present  infinitive  is  very 
common:  R.  431-432  {malunt  credidisse^  etc.). 

no.  The  infinitive  +  accusative  construction  was  more  and 
more  avoided  from  the  third  century  on:  G.  371-375.  It  was 
;  replaced  sometimes  by  the  passive,  but  often  by  a  clause  in- 
troduced by  quia^  quody  quoniam^  ut^  etc.:  Eva  vidisse  de- 
scribitur^  G.  371;  legitur  dixisse  Deus,  Regnier  63;  —  Bechtel 
1 1 2-1 1 5,  dicent  eo  quod  fiUi  Israhel  eas  posuerint^  sciens  quod 
libenter  haberetis  hczc  cognoscere,  credidit  ei  quia  esset  vere  Jilius 
Deiy  etc.;  perspicue  exposuit  quod  ager  mundus  sit^  G.  377; 
nesciebat  quia  Jesus  erat,  G.  383;  de  corpore  loquor^  ut  spiritu 
valeatnon  ignoramus^  G.  385.    Cf.  G.  375-385,  Bon.  659-671. 

Late  writers,  wishing  to  avoid  vulgarisms,  often  misused 
the  infinitive  -i-  accusative:  G.  371-373. 


§112]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  51 

111.  On  the  other  hand,  the  infinitive  assumed  many  new 
functions:  see  Supine  and  Gerund  above.  Cf.  Hoppe  42-52: 
Nifius  regnare  primus,  amant  ignorare,  aliter  exprimere  non  est, 
bonus  et  dicer e  et  facere,  etc. 

It  was  often  used  as  a  noun :  totum  vivere  aiiimce  carnis  est, 
Hoppe  42;  ipsum  vivere  accedere  est,  Regnier  106;  per  malum 
velle  perdidit  bonum  posse,  Regnier  106. 

It  replaced  the  subjunctive  with  ut  and  similar  construc- 
tions: vadent  orare,  Bechtel  117;  revertitur  omnis  populus 
resumere  se,  Bechtel  117:  valeamus  assumi,  G.  363;  quce  legi 
digna  sunt,  G.  366;  timuisti . . .  facere,  G.  368;  non  venit  justos 
vocare,  G.  370;  venit  aliquis  audire,  Regnier  73;  male  fecisti 
dare  Spiritum  sanctum,  Regnier  74;  mihi  prcecepit  hcBC  loqui, 
Bon.  673.  Cf.  G.  363-370,  Regnier  73,  Bon.  647,  671-675; 
P.  Thielmann,  Facere  mit  dem  Infinitiv  in  Archiv  III,  177. 

It  took  the  place  of  a  relative  or  indirectly  interrogative 
clause  after  certain  verbs:  nesciendo  quce  petere,  Venantius 
Fortunatus,  cited  in  Lat.  Spr.  490;  non  habent  unde  reddere 
tibi,  R.  430. 

b.  VOICE. 

112.  Under  the  influence  of  carus  est,  etc.,  amatus  est  came 
to  mean  *he  is  loved',  etc.  Hence  amatus  fuit  signified  'he 
was  loved':  see  Draeger  I,  276 ff.  Then  a  whole  passive  in- 
flection was  made  up  of  the  perfect  participle  +  esse  (in  north- 
ern Italy  fieri).  The  old  passive  forms — except  the  perfect 
participle  and,  to  some  extent,  the  gerundive — gradually 
disappeared  from  ordinary  speech.  Although  authors  kept 
up  the  classic  practice  as  far  as  they  were  able,  some  examples 
of  the  popular  formation  may  be  culled  from  late  writings: 
denuo  /actus  filius  fui,  Hoppe  60;  mors  salva  erit  cum  fuerit 
devorata,  Hoppe  60;  cofijecius  in  carcerem  fuerat,  Hoppe  61; 
permissa  est  accedercy  Regnier  63. 


52  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  117 

j  113.  As  the  passive  inflection  disappeared,  deponent  verbs 
became  active.  Even  in  Classic  Latin  there  is  often  hesita- 
tion, as  in  the  case  of  frustrare  frustrari,  irascere  irasci^  etc. 

j  Many  deponent  verbs  are  used  as  active  verbs  by  Petronius. 
In  late  vulgar  speech  mori^  sequi^  etc.,  followed  the  same 
course.    Cf.  Bonnet  402-413. 

114.  In  the  intermediate  period  the  passive  was  frequently 
replaced  by  reflexive  and  active  constructions.  When  littera 
scribitur  seemed  archaic,  and  littera  scripta  est  vulgar,  people 
said  littera  se  scribit  and  litteram  scribunt  or  litteram  scribit 
homo:  ci.facit  se  hora  quinta^  Bechtel  126;  se  sanare  =.  safiari 
in  the  4th  century,  Rom,  XXXII,  455  (cf.  Zs.  XXXIII,  135) ;  for 
the  use  of  homo  with  the  force  of  French  on^  see  Fer,  55, 25. 

c.  MOOD. 

(1)  Imperative. 

115.  The  imperative  came  to  be  restricted  to  the  second 
person  singular  and  plural  of  the  present,  the  subjunctive 
being  used  for  the  third  person,  and  also  for  the  first.  Dubois 
275  notes  that  the  forms  in  -0  are  very  rare  in  Ennodius,  who 
lived  in  southern  Gaul  in  the  fifth  century. 

116.  In  negative  commands  the  imperative  was  often  re- 
placed by  the  subjunctive^  by  the  indicative  (found  in  Pir- 
minius),  and  in  Italy,  Gaul,  and  Dacia  by  the  infinitive:  Lat, 
Spr.  490. 

(2)  Subjunctive. 

117.  The  subjunctive  was  limited  to  fewer  functions,  being 
replaced  by  the  indicative  in  many  constructions:  cum  hi 
omnes  tam  excelsi  sunt,  Bechtel  115;  si  scire  vultis  quid  facitis, 
Regnier  69;  etc.  At  the  end  of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period  it 
was  probably  used,  in  popular  speech,  very  much  as  it  is  used 


§  119]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


53 


in  the  Romance  languages.  Late  writers,  while  trying  to 
follow  the  traditional  practice,  were  less  logical  and  evidently 
less  spontaneous  than  Classic  authors  in  their  employment  of 
the  subjunctive. 

Sometimes  the  subjunctive  was  replaced  by  deheo  with  the 
infinitive:  debeant  accipi  —  accipiantur,  G.  418.    Cf.  §  72. 

Sometimes,  after  facio^  its  place  was  taken  by  the  infinitive: 
Regnier  27-28,  ecce  Pater  fecit  Filium  nasci  de  vergme,  etc. 
Cf.  §  III. 

In  conditions  not  contrary  to  fact,  in  indirect  discourse  and 
indirect  questions,  in  dependent  clauses  that  are  not  adversa- 
tive nor  dubitative,  the  indicative  was  often  substituted  for 
the  subjunctive:  R.  428-430,  G.  355-357,  Regnier  68-71. 

On  the  other  hand,  late  writers  often  put  the  subjunctive 
where  Classic  authors  would  have  put  the  indicative:  G. 
357-362. 

118.  The  imperfect  subjunctive  gradually  gave  way  to  the 
pluperfect:  this  use  is  common  in  the  Bellum  Africaimm  (Lat. 
Spr.  489);  cf.  Sittl  133-134.  It  apparently  began  with  debu- 
issetj  potuisset^  voluisset^  used  freely  for  the  imperfect  by 
Gregory  the  Great  (Sepulcri  226)  and  others,  and  with  per- 
fect infinitives  like  tacuisse  for  tacere  {Lat.  Spr.  489:  examples 
from  the  4th  century). 

The  imperfect  subjunctive  ultimately  went  out  of  use,  ex- 
cept in  Sardinia.  Writers  of  the  third  and  fourth  centuries 
show  uncertainty  in  the  use  of  it;  R.  431  cites  many  exam- 
ples, as  titnui  ne  inter  nos  bella  fuissefit  orta. 

In  Rumanian  the  pluperfect  subjunctive  has  assumed  the 
function  of  a  pluperfect  indicative :  cdntdse,  etc. 

119.  The  perfect  subjunctive  was  apparently  confused  with 
the  future  perfect  indicative.    It  was  thus  preserved  in  Spain 


54  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  122 

and  in  Italian  and  Rumanian  dialects:  cf.  C.  De  Lollis  in 
Bausteine  i,  and  V.  Crescini  in  Zs.  XXIX,  619;  Tiktin  596. 
Cf.  §  124. 

d.  TENSE. 

120.  The  present  and  imperfect  indicative  and  the  present 
subjunctive  remained,  in  general,  with  their  old  functions; 
see,  however,  §  117.  For  the  imperfect  and  pluperfect  sub- 
junctive, see  §  118;  for  the  perfect  subjunctive,  §  119.  In  the 
perfect,  pluperfect,  future,  and  future  perfect  indicative  great 
changes  took  place,  which  led  also  to  the  formation  of  a  new 
perfect  and  pluperfect  subjunctive. 

(i)  The  Perfect  Tenses. 

121.  In  Classic  Latin  habeo  with  the  perfect  participle  was 
used  to  express  a  lasting  condition:  Hannibal  quia  fessum 
militem  prceliis  operibusque  habebat^  Part,  perf,  376.  It  was 
used  in  the  same  way  with  adjectives:  miserum  habere^  etc., 
Fart,  p erf .  372  ff.  Even  in  Classic  Latin,  however,  the  mean- 
ing of  this  locution  began  to  shift  to  the  perfect,  or  something 
akin  to  it:  Cato  the  elder,  quid  Athenis  exquisitum  habeam, 
Part.  perf.  516;  Plautus,  ilia  omnia  missa  habeo^  om?iis  res  re- 
lictas  habeo,  Part,  perf .  535 ;  in  legal  phraseology, /t^r/^/w  habeo^ 
Part.  perf.  537-538;  Sallust,  compertum  ego  habeo,  Draeger  I, 
295.  The  construction  is  very  common  in  Cicero  in  a  sense 
that  closely  approaches  the  perfect:  satis  habeo  deliberatum^ 
Part,  perf .  415;  scrip  turn  habeo,  Part,  perf .  422;  ratianes  cogni- 
tas  habeo,  Densusianu  181;  pecunias  magnas  collocatas  habent, 
Draeger  I,  294;  cf.  Part,  perf  405,  414-415,  423,  518-521, 
Draeger  I,  294-295. 

122.  In  late  Latin  this  compound  often  had  simply  a  per- 
fect meaning:  metuo  etiim  ne  ibi  vos  habeam  fatigatos,  Regnier 
28;  episcopum  invitatum  habes,  Bon.  690.    Cf.  Bon.  689-691. 


§  124]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


55 


In  popular  speech  it  supplanted  more  and  more  the  original 
perfect  form,  which  was  increasingly  confined  to  its  aorist 
function:  Laf.  Spr.  489.  In  the  Spanish  peninsula,  however, 
and  to  some  extent  in  Italy,  the  old  perfect  meaning  was  not 
entirely  lost. 

123.  On  the  model  of  this  new  perfect,  a  compound  plu- 
perfect was  constructed:  Cicero,  quas  in  cerario  conditas  habe- 
bant^  Draeger  I,  294;  si  Dominum  iratum  haberes^  Regnier  28; 
quam  semper  cognitam  habui^  Sepulcri  227.  In  the  same  way 
a  future  perfect  was  made:  de  Ccesare  satis  dictum  habebo^ 
Part.  perf.  537.  Eventually  an  entire  perfect  inflection  was 
built  up  with  habere  or,  in  the  case  of  neuter  verbs,  with  esse; 
its  vogue  began  in  Gaul  in  the  fifth  century,  elsewhere  in  the 
sixth:  Part.  perf.  543,  541. 

124.  The  old  perfect  form  remained  in  popular  use,  gener- 
ally with  the  aorist  sense.  Some  late  writers  were  fond  of 
substituting  for  it  coepi  with  an  infinitive:  Waters  Ch.  70,  etc. 
Cf.  §  72. 

The  old  pluperfect  indicative  became  rarer,  but  still  lingered, 
sometimes  with  its  original  sense,  sometimes  as  a  preterit, 
sometimes  as  a  conditional.  The  preterit  use  occurs  in  dix- 
eratf  ortaret^  transalaret  in  the  Gl.  Reich.;  auret^  furet^  pouret^ 
etc.,  in  the  Old  French  Sainte  Eulalie;  boltief  in  the  Old 
Italian  Ritmo  Cassinese  {Zs.  XXIX,  620);  etc.  The  condi- 
tional function,  which  came  down  from  the  Classic  Latin  use 
in  conditional  sentences,  was  preserved  in  Spanish,  in  Pro- 
ven9al,  in  some  southern  Italian  dialects  (notably  in  the  Rosa 
fresca  aulentissima),  and  in  the  Italian  fora  <ifueram. 

The  old  future  perfect  was  apparently  confused  with  the 
perfect  subjunctive,  and  continued  to  be  used,  with  the  force 
of  a  future  indicative  or  subjunctive,  in  the  Spanish  peninsula. 


56  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§126 

in  some  dialects  of  Italy,  and  in  Dacia:  Sp.  cantdre^  Old  Sp, 
cantdro.    Cf.  §  119. 

The  old  pluperfect  subjunctive  was  used  as  an  imperfect: 
see  §  1 18. 

(2)  Future  and  Conditional. 

125.  The  Latin  future  was  not  uniform  in  the  four  conju- 
gations; the  formation  in  -bo^  which  was  used  in  three  of 
them  and  prevailed  in  two,  was  native,  according  to  Mohl, 
Fr.  Pers.  PL  141-142,  only  in  Rome  and  the  immediate 
vicinity.  Furthermore,  the  future  in  the  first  two  conjuga- 
tions was  suggestive  of  the  imperfect,  and  in  the  other  two, 
in  late  pronunciation,  was  liable  to  confusion  with  the  pres- 
ent subjunctive  and  indicative.  These  causes  or  others  made 
the  future  unpopular.  As  the  tense  became  rare  in  speech, 
mistakes  were  made  in  writing:  Vok.  I,  98;  Regnier  viii.  The 
old  audibo^  dormibo  forms  were  kept  late  {Futurum  161),  and 
we  find  such  errors  as  respondeam  for  respondebo  (^Futurum  1 58). 

126.  Classic  Latin  had  some  circumlocutions,  such  as  fac- 
turus  sum^  delenda  est^  habeo  dicere^  which  approached  the 
meaning  of  the  future.  During  the  Empire  there  was  a 
strong  tendency  to  substitute  these  or  other  constructions 
for  the  future  forms  (such  periphrases  are  particularly  fre- 
quent in  African  church  Latin)  : — 

(i)  The  present  indicative  for  the  future  is  common  in 
Cicero  in  conditional  sentences:  Lebreton  188-190.  The  sub- 
stitution became  frequent  in  all  sorts  of  constructions:  nam 
si  vis  ecce  modo  pedibus  duco  vos  ibi,  Bechtel  112;  cum  volueris 
ire  imus  tecum  et  ostendimus  tibiy  Bechtel  112;  pervidet,  Bechtel 
90—91;  quando  corrigis^  quando  mutaris?  cras^  inquis,  Regnier 
64;  Jam  crastina  non  eximusy  Sepulcri  225.  Cf.  Draeger  I, 
286  ff.;  Sepulcri  225-226. 


§  129]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


57 


(2)  The  future  participle  4- ^jj-^  was  a  favorite  with  late 
writers:  sic  et  nos  futicri  sumus  resurgere,  Regnier  29.  Cf. 
Bayard  256.    See  §§  105,  106. 

(3)  Velle  and  -f- infinitive  were  frequent:  G.  423. 
Velle  in  this  sense  was  preserved  in  Dacia;  the  oldest  Ru- 
manian future  is  votu  jura  or  jura  voiu:  Tiktin  599. 

(4)  Z>^^^r^ -f- infinitive  was  another  substitute.  It  was 
kept  in  Sardinian. 

(5)  Vadere,  ire,  venire     infinitive  were  used  also. 

127.  The  form  that  prevailed,  however,  was  habeo  with  the 
infinitive:  In  Classic  Latin  habeo  diccre  —  habeo  quod  dicam^ 
being  so  used  by  Cicero  and  many  others;  later,  as  in  Sueto- 
nius, it  means  debeo  dicere:  Futurum  48  ff.  Cf.  Varro,  De  Re 
Rustica  I,  I,  ut  id  mihi  habeam  curare;  Cicero,  Ad  Famil.  I, 
5,  tantum  habeo  iibi  polliceri;  Lucretius  VI,  711,  in  multis  hoc 
rebus  dicere  habemus;  Ovid,  2rist.  I,  i,  123,  mandare ,  .  .  habe- 
bam.  In  these  senses  it  was  very  common  in  late  writers: 
habes  speciare^  Hoppe  43;  Jilius  Dei  mori  habuit^  Hoppe  44; 
probare  non  habe7it^  Hoppe  44 ;  non  habent  retribuere,  R.  447 ; 
multa  habeo  dicere^  R.  447 ;  U7ide  mihi  dare  habes  aquam  vivam^ 
R.  448 ;  exire  habebat^  R.  449 ;  nec  verba  nobis  ista  did  habent, 
Regnier  28.    Cf.  R.  447-449. 

128.  This  habeo  construction  finally  took  the  sense  of  a 
simple  future:  Tertullian,  aliter  prccdicantur  quam  eve?iire  ha- 
bent, cui  dare  habet  Deus  corpus,  etc.,  Hoppe  44-45 ; — Servius, 
velle  habet,  Futurum  180;  —  St.  Jerome,  qui  nasci  habent,  G. 
370;  —  St.  Augustine,  tollere  habet,  Densusianu  181 ;  et  sic  nihil 
habes  invenire  in  maiiibus  tuis,  videre  habetis,  venire  habet,  etc., 
Regnier  28.  It  had  become  common  in  Italy  by  the  sixth 
century. 

129.  In  the  early  stages  of  the  Romance  languages,  or 


58  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  130 

possibly  in  the  latest  stage  of  Vulgar  Latin,  the  infinitive 
came  to  stand  regularly,  though  not  immutably,  just  before 
the  habeo.  Finally  the  two  words  were  fused  into  one,  but  this 
union  was  not  completed  until  after  the  beginnings  of  the 
Romance  literatures,  and  in  Portuguese  it  is  not  completed 
yet:  Old  Sp.  cantare  or  he  cantar;  separation  is  common  in 
Old  Proven9al,  and  occurs  in  Old  Italian;  Vg.  fazel-o-he.  The 
earliest  examples  of  the  Romance  future  are  found  in  Frede- 
garius:  Justinianus  dicebat daras\  Haag  54;  addarabo^  Haag 
55.    See  Morphology. 

130.  On  the  model  of  this  new  form,  an  imperfect  of  the 
future,  or  conditional^  was  constructed.  The  phrase  existed, 
ready  for  use,  in  Classic  Latin,  where  it  was  employed  with 
an  implication  of  obligation  or  necessity.  So  it  seems  to  be 
used  by  Tertullian,  although  sometimes  with  him  the  mean- 
ing borders  on  a  real  conditional:  non  traditus  autem  traduci 
habebas^  ista  civitas  esterminari  habereU  quod  esset  venturus  et 
pati  haberety  etc.,  Hoppe  43-45. 

In  Classic  Latin,  in  place  of  amassem  in  the  conclusion  of  a 
conditional  sentence,  amaturus  eram  or  fui  was  often  used; 
and  when  amaturus  sum  was  replaced  by  amare  habeo^  it  was 
natural  that  amaturus  eram  should  give  way  to  amare  hahe- 
bam.  Furthermore,  to  match  such  a  sentence  as  dicit  quod 
venire  habet^  there  was  needed  a  past  construction  like  dixit 
quod  vefiire  habebat  or  habuit;  and  corresponding  to  si  possum 
venire  habeo^  something  like  si  potuissem  venire  habebam  or 
habui  was  called  for. 

St.  Cyprian  and  St.  Hilary  seem  to  show  a  simple  conditional 
use  of  the  compound:  quod  lex  nova  dari  haberet,  Bayard  256; 
manifestari  habebat^  Bayard  257  ; — Herodes principes  sacerdotum 
ubi  nasci  habebat  Christus  interrogate  Quillacq  116.  There  are 
sure  examples  from  the  fifth  century  on:  Lat.  Spr.  489. 


§  130]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


59 


The  development  of  this  form  in  the  Romance  languages 
was,  in  general,  parallel  to  that  of  the  future:  see  Mor- 
phology. 

The  origin  of  the  Rumanian  conditional,  dntareasi,  is  not 
obvious;  for  a  full  discussion  of  the  question,  see  H.  Tiktin, 
Die  Bildung  des  rumdnischen  Konditionalis  in  Zs,  XXVIII,  691. 


III.  PHONOLOGY. 


A.  SYLLABICATION. 

131.  The  principles  of  syllabic  division  are  rather  difficult 
to  establish.  The  Latin  grammarians  seem  to  have  given  no 
heed  to  actual  speech,  but  to  have  followed  the  usage  of  Greek 
spelling,  supporting  it  with  purely  theoretical  considerations. 
Cf.  S.  132-15 1.  According  to  these  writers,  the  syllable  always 
ended  in  a  vowel,  or  in  a  liquid  or  nasal  followed  by  another 
consonant  in  the  next  syllable,  or  in  half  of  a  double  consonant: 
a-ni-ma^  no-ctem,  pro-pfer,  a-mnis ;  al-ter^  in-f  ans ;  sic-cus^  mit-to. 
The  division  of  i"  +  consonant  they  regard  as  uncertain  {a-s- 
trum)\  doubtless  in  reality  the  s  was  nearly  syllabic,  as  in 
Italian.  They  add  that  etymological  considerations  often 
disturb  the  operation  of  the  rule,  as  in  ob-liviscor^  etc. 

132.  In  point  of  fact,  however,  all  consonant  groups,  except 
I    a  mute  +  a  liquid,  made  position  and  attracted  the  accent: 

perfec-tus^  and  not  perfe-ctus.  It  is  altogether  likely,  then,  that 
a  consonant  group,  in  the  spoken  language,  was  usually  divided 
after  the  first  consonant :  noc-tem^  prop-ter.  A  single  consonant 
between  vowels  certainly  went  with  the  second :  po-si-tus. 

The  group  mute  +  liquid  makes  position  in  the  older  drama- 
tists :  Naevius  accents  integram,  Lat.  Spr.  466.  In  the  Classic 
poets  it  may  or  may  not  make  position.  Quintilian  I,  5  recom- 
mends tenebrcB^  vd lucres,  phdreira,  etc.  In  Vulgar  Latin  this 
combination  almost  invariably  attracts  the  accent:  cathidra. 
It  is  likely  that  in  Old  Latin  the  division  came  before  the 

60 


§  136]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  61 

liquid,  but  subsequently,  after  the  accent  had  become  fixed  on 
the  preceding  vowel,  both  consonants  were  carried  over  :  co- 
lub-ra,  co-lub-ra,  co-lu-bra. 

133.  We  have  reason  to  believe  that  in  closely  connected 
speech  a  final  consonant  was  carried  over  to  the  next  word,  if 
that  word  began  with  a  vowel :  cor  exsultat  =  co  r-exsultat. 


B.  ACCENT. 

134.  The  Latin  accent  was  probably  from  the  beginning  a 
stress  accent.  In  the  earliest  stage  of  the  language  it  appar- 
ently fell  regularly  on  the  first  syllable:  Corssen  II,  892-906 ; 
S.  30-34;  F7^anz.p\,  13.  The  Classic  Latin  system  —  accord- 
ing to  which  the  accent  falls  on  the  penult  if  that  syllable  is 
long,  otherwise  on  the  antepenult  —  developed  as  early  as 
literature  began,  and  remained,  both  in  the  literary  and  in  the 
spoken  language,  through  the  Classic  period ;  even  after  the 
distinctions  of  quantity  were  lost,  the  place  of  the  accent  was 
unchanged:  bonitdtem^  computo,  delecto. 

The  penult  vowel  before  mute  +  liquid  (cf.  §132)  normally   (  i 
has  the  stress  in  Vulgar  Latin:   cathedra,  colubra,  iniegram. 
There  seem  to  be  a  few  exceptions  to  the  rule :    Old  Fr. 
palp7'es  <  pdlpebras,  Old  Fr.  poltrc  <  *pullitra,  and  perhaps 
some  others. 

I.  PRIMARY  STRESS. 

135.  We  have  seen  that  Vulgar  Latin  regularly  accents 
according  to  the  Classic  quantitative  accentuation.  There  are, 
however,  some  cases  in  which  the  Classic  principle  fails  to 
operate  or  the  Classic  stress  has  been  shifted :  — 

a.  VOWELS  IN  HIATUS. 

136.  Accented  e  and  /,  when  immediately  followed  by  the 
vowel  of  the  penult,  became  j,  the  accent  falling  on  the 


62  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  139 


following  vowel:  muUcris^  muljiris^  S.  51,  Lat.  Spr.  468; 
putedlis^ putjolis^  C,  I.  L.  X,  1889  (pvte6lis);  so  parutes 
"^parjetes^paretes^^  C.  I.  Z.  VI,  3714  (paretes).  This  change 
seems  to  be  due  to  a  tendency  to  shift  the  stress  to  the  more 
sonorous  of  two  contiguous  vowels:  cf.  O.  Jespersen,  Lehrbuch 
der  Phonetik^  p.  192.  It  was  favored  also  by  the  analogy  of 
mulier^puteus,  pdriesy  etc.,  in  which  the  vowel  in  hiatus  is  atonic. 

137.  Accented  u,  when  immediately  followed  by  the  vowel 
of  the  penult,  became  w,  the  accent  falling  on  the  preceding 
syllable :  bati^ t) uere^  *  bdttuere  >  bdttere;  consuere'^  *c6nsuere'^ 
consere  ;  habuerunt >  *  hdbuerunt;  tenueram  >  *  tenueram.  Here 
the  shift  was  apparently  due  in  each  case  to  analogy,  battuere 
being  influenced  by  bdttuo^  consuere  by  cdnsuo,  habuerunt  by 
hdbuit,  tenueram  by  tenuis  etc. 

138.  Aside  from  these  cases,  hiatus  seems  to  have  had  no 
effect  on  the  accent  in  Latin.  It  is  possible,  however,  that 
duos^  suos^  tuos  were  sometimes  pronounced  duds,  suds,  tuds. 


b.  COMPOUND  VERBS. 

^  139.  Verbs  compounded  with  prefixes  were  generally  re- 

^^"^^^^^^^^  yNXth.  the  accent  and  the  vowel  of  the  simple  verb, 

2^  provided  the  composite  nature  of  the  formation  was  understood 
and  the  parts  were  recognized  (cf.  §31):  def icit^^ disf deify _ 
displicef^  ^displdcet,  implicaf^  ^  implicate  reddidi'^  reddedi, 
requirit ^  requcerit^  retinet  retenet^  etc.  Cf.  Gram.  \\ 
668-670.  So  calefacisy  S.  56;  condedit^  perdedit,  reddedit,  tra- 
dedit^  S.  54  ;  addedi^  adstefi,  conteneo,  crededi^  inclausus^  presteti, 
etc.,  Sepulcri  213-215.  On  the  same  plan  new  verbs  were 
formed  :  *  de-minat^  re-negat,  etc. 


^le  regularly  became  e  ;  but  if  the  preceding  consonant  was  /,  it  was  palatalized. 
Vience paretes,  but  *  mul'eres.    Cf.  §  225. 


§  i4i]         An  Tntroduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


63 


Recipit  became  *  recipit^  the  composite  character  of  the  word 
being  felt,  although  the  compound  was  no  longer  associated 
with  capere. 

In  colltgo  and  some  others  not  even  the  composite  nature 
was  perceived,  the  simple  verbs  having  become  rare  or  having 
taken  a  different  sense:  legere,  for  instance,  came  to  be  used 
only  in  the  sense  of  'read.' 

c.  ILLAC,  ILLIC. 

140.  The  adverbs  illdc^  illic  accented  their  last  syllable 
through  the  analogy  of  hdc^  hie,  Priscian  says  '''•illic  pro 
illice^^:  S.  42. 

d.  FICATUM. 

141.  There  existed  in  Greek  a  word  o-vkwtov  (Pirson  40), 
•figlike',  which  was  applied  by  cooks  to  a  liver.  It  is  found 
in  late  Latin  in  the  form  sycotum,  which  should  properly  have 
been  pronounced  sycotum ;  for  some  unknown  reason,  perhaps 
under  the  influence  of  a  vulgar  ^  hep  ate  for  hepar,  'liver',  it 
probably  became  *  seeotum. 

Through  this  word  there  came  into  use  the  culinary 
terms  fiedium^  *fteatum^  *feeatum,  *feeotum  ,  *fecitum^  all 
meaning  'liver.'  Ficatum^  a  simple  translation  of  <n;KojTov, 
prevailed  in  Dacia,  Raetia,  and  northern  Italy.  Fecatum  or 
feeotum^  a  fusion  of  fieutum  and  * seeotum,  was  preferred  in 
central  and  southern  Italy.  Fteatum,  a  cross  between  fecatum 
and  fJedtum,  was  kept  in  Sicily  and  in  the  Spanish  peninsula. 
Sardinia  preserved  both  ficatum  and  ficatuni.  Gaul  had 
ficatum  and  fecatum;  later,  by  a  change  of  suffix,  fecit um. 
See  G.  Paris  in  Miscellanea  lifiguistica  i?i  onore  di  Graziadio 
Ascoli  41 ;  H.  Schuchardt  in  Zs.  XXV,  515  and  XXVIII,  435  ; 
L.  Cledat  in  Revue  de  philologie  fran^aise  et  de  litterature  XV, 


64 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  145 


e.  NUMERALS. 

142.  The  numbers  vtgintl,  trlgi7ita,  quadrdgintay  quinqudginta^ 
etc.,  were  sometimes  accented  on  the  antepenult:  Consentius 
mentions  a  faulty  pronunciation  triginta^  Keil  V,  392,  lines 
4-5  ;  quarranta  occurs  in  a  late  inscription,  Vok.  II,  461, 
Pirson  97.  See  M.  Ihm  in  Archiv  VII,  69-70;  G.  Rydberg 
in  Melanges  Wahlund^  337.  The  shift  was  probably  due  to  a 
natural  tendency  to  differentiate  the  numerals  from  one 
another :  compare  the  floating  accent  in  English  thirteen^ 
fourteen^  etc. 

d.  GREEK  WORDS. 

143.  The  accentuation  of  Greek  words  was  varied.  Some- 
times the  Greek  stress  was  preserved,  sometimes  the  word  was 
made  to  conform  to  the  Latin  principle. 

(i)  Greek  Oxytones. 

144.  Greek  oxytones,  when  borrowed  by  Latin,  were 
stressed  according  to  the  Latin  system:  'bpa'^ixrj';:>  drdc/i{u)ma, 
liTKTToXrj  >  epistula  —ola,  Aa/ATras  >•  ldmpa(^s)^  firj^avi^  >  mdc(^h)- 
ina^  irapa^oXrj'^pardbulay  Tre.ipaTrj'i^ptrdta,  (nra^ixo^'^  spdsmus^ 
TaTreLv6s'>* taptnus.    Cf.  S.  42 ff.,  Claussen  809. 

SvKWToV,  however,  apparently  stressed  the  first  syllable: 
see  §  141. 

(2)  Greek  Paroxytones. 

145.  Greek  paroxytones  were  mostly  accented  according  to 
the  quantity  of  the  penult:  ypa(j)iov':>grdp/itum,  Kap.apa'^ cdmera, 
fxaycSa  >•  mdgida^  iraXcLpa]  > pdhiia^  ttoAwovs  > polypus^  7rop(f>vpa 
";;:> purp ura,  ^apirpa'^p/idre/ra  ox pharetra  (cf.  §  134). 

nrto-avry  {':>pHsdna)'P'lt.  tisdna,  cf>LdXr)  (^p/u'd/a)^  It  Jid/a^ 
XoXipa  (  >  cholera')  >  It.  colera,  etc.,  may  represent  popular 
terms  borrowed  by  ear  from  the  Greek,  with  the  Greek  stress, 

1  Occasionally  the  accent  was  kept  by  doubling  the  consonant,  as  polippus. 


§  149]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


6s 


but  it  is  more  likely  that  the  Italian  forms  are  book-words 
with  a  shifted  accent. 

Cf.  S.  42 ff.,  Claussen  810-81 1. 

146.  The  ending  -ia  was  at  first  generally  assimilated  to 
jthe  Latin -/^z.-  ^L^\i<x';>MbHa^  (BXaacji-qixLa'^b la sp hernia,  iKKX-qata 
>  ec(^c)/esia,  la-TopCa  >•  historia,  criyKia  >  sepia,  o-v/x^tovta  >  syvi- 
phonia.  Later  a  fashionable  pronunciation  -ia,  doubtless 
favored  by  Christian  influence,  penetrated  popular  speech 
{aoi^la.^  sophia,  etc.)  and  produced  a  new  Latin  ending  —ia, 
which  was  used  to  form  new  words:  see  Derivation,  Suffixes 
for  Nouns.  Cf.  Claussen  812.  The  pronunciations  melodia, 
etc.,  and  sop/na,  etc.,  are  attested:  S.  55-56. 

The  endings  -aa,  -ttov  sometimes  became  -ea  —la,  —eum 
-mm,  sometimes  -ea,  —eum:  ^aXavtiov'>  bdhieum,  Kcuvw7rcTov> 
conopeiim  -eum  -turn,  TrXarettt  >  platca  platea.  Cf.  Claussen 
813-814. 

(3)  Greek  Proparoxytones. 

147.  The  treatment  of  proparoxytones  is  complicated.  Cf. 
S.  42-49,  Claussen  814-821,  Gram.  I,  35,  §  17,  A.  Thomas  in 
Rom.  XXXI,  2-3.  Late  Latin  grammarians  mention  a  pro- 
nunciation of  Greek  words  with  the  Greek  accent  (S.  42),  but 
their  statements  are  too  vague  to  be  of  use. 

A  few  early  borrowed  words  perhaps  show  the  Old  Latin 
accentuation :  KVTrapto-o-os  >  *  cuparissos  >  cupressus.  Cf .  Claus- 
sen 809. 

148.  When  the  penult  was  short,  the  accent  remained  un- 
changed :  yeVco-ts  ';;> genesis,  KaAa/xo?  >  calamus,  K6Xa<f>o<;  >  edld- 
p/ius,  Trpea-fivTepov  >  presbyicrum  (with  a  new  nominative 
presbyter). 

149.  When  the  penult  vowel  was  in  position,  it  took  the 
§,ccent:  afivcrdo^;^  abyssus,  fiatrrKTyixx'^  baptisma,  TaAavTov> 
ialentum. 


66  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  153 

"EyKavorrov,  however,  became  both  encdustum  and  encaustum. 
Occasionally  the  consonant  group  was  simplified  and  the 
accent  remained:  Kapv6<^vXXov'>*gardfulum. 

150.  When  the  penult  vowel  was  long  and  not  in  position, 
it  apparently  took  the  accent  in  book-words  but  not  in  words 
learned  by  ear  (S.  48-49) :  Kajx-qko';'^  camelus  —elites,  Kafxivo^  > 
camtnus,  KpoKo^uXo'i'^  crocodtlus,  <^aX\aiv(i.'y>  balllena ;  ayKvpa'^ 
dncdra,  ^\a,(Tf\>ri\Ko%^  bldsphemus  (Prudentius),  jSovrvpov  ^ 
butyrum  (y^^milius  Macer),  *loLKOil3o<s'>J'dcobus,ae\lvov^*se- 
litium. 

Some  words  have  both  pronunciations:  d^(DXov'>  Idolum 
(both  in  Prudentius:  Lat.  Spr.  466),  (.py]p.o%^  ei'emus  eremus 
(Prudentius),  dCvaTn'^  stnapi  sindpi. 

e.  OTHER  FOREIGN  WORDS. 

151.  Some  words  borrowed  from  other  languages  kept  their 
original  accent,  contrary  to  Latin  rules  (S.  49):  Umbrian 
Pisaurum  >  It.  Fesaro^  etc. ;  Celtic  Baidcasses  >  Fr.  Bayeux, 
Diirdcasses^Yx.  Dreux^  Tricasses^Yx.  Troyes^  etc.,  Dottin  103. 

152.  Germanic  words  were  apparently  made  to  conform  to 
Latin  types:  Hugo  Hugim  >  Hugo  Hugdnem  >  Fr.  Hues  Hudn; 
Kluge  500. 

2.  SECONDARY  STRESS. 

153.  As  far  as  we  can  determine  the  rhythm  of  Vulgai 
Latin,  judging  from  phonetic  changes  and  from  semi-popular 
late  Latin  verse,  it  consisted  in  a  tolerably  regular  alternation 
of  accented  and  unaccented  syllables.  Thus  Sedulius,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  writes: 

Beatus  auctqr  saecuH 

Servile  corpus  induit, 
Ut  came  carnem  liberans 

Ne  perderet  quos  condidit. 


§  156]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


67 


The  secondary  stress,  then,  fell  on  the  second  syllable 
from  the  tonic:  cuptditosus^  feltcttdtem;  dolorosa^  Idcrimosa; 
Ccesdre??i,  Gdllias.  In  some  derivatives,  however,  the  root 
syllable  may  have  received  an  irregular  stress  through  the 
analogy  of  the  primitive:  * drboricellus. 

In  late  formations  e  or  i  in  hiatus  did  not  count  as  a  sylla- 
ble: *  comlnitidre. 

154.  When  the  secondary  stress  preceded  the  tonic,  it  was 
strong,  and  the  vowel  bearing  it  was  apparently  treated  as  an 
accented  vowel:  * amicttdtevi^Yx.  am'uidt;  so,  in  Italian, 
B\x6logntno  beside  Bologna^  FiorenHno  beside  Firenze^  v€tto- 
vdglia  beside  vittoria. 

When  it  followed  the  tonic,  it  was  weak,  but  probably  the 
vowel  bearing  it  had  more  force  than  a  wholly  unaccented 
final  vowei:  sdceriy^Vr.  sozer^  plddtu77i';;:>Vx.  plach;  but  clen- 
cum  >  Pr.  clergiie  while  clet^cum  >  Pr.  clerc^  coldphum  >  Pr. 
cdlbe  while  coPpum  >  Pr.  colp. 

155.  In  many  cases  the  intervening  vowel  fell  out  or  lost 
its  syllabic  value.  Then  the  primary  and  the  secondary  ac- 
cent were  brought  together,  and  the  secondary  was  shifted  or 
lost :  * pardbuldre  >  * parduldrc  >  * pdrauldre^  cdlidus  >  cdldus, 
ftlius  >  fllius. 

UNSTRESSED  WORDS. 

156.  Short,  unemphatic  words,  in  Latin  as  in  other  lan- 
guages, had  no  accent,  and  were  attached  as  additional 
syllables  to  the  beginning  or  end  of  other  words  (S.  38-39): 
non-dmat,  dma-me^  te-videt,  do-tibi^  cave-fdcias,  drcum-lt/o?'a 
(Quintilian  I,  5).  Many  words,  especially  prepositions  and 
conjunctions,  as  well  as  some  adverbs  and  pronouns,  were 
used  only  as  enclitics  or  proclitics. 


68 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§  i6o 


157.  If  such  particles  had  more  than  one  syllable,  they 
tended  to  become  monosyllabic:  unstressed  magis^  perhaps 
influenced  by  plus^  became  ^mais  *mas.  A  dissyllabic 
proclitic  beginning  with  a  vowel  seems  to  have  regularly  lost 
that  vowel:  ilium  videt^  Uu*  videt;  ecce  htc^^cUc  (but  ecce  hie 
>  eccHc)  ;  eccum  (stum  >  ^cu'  istu'  (but  eccum  istum  >  eccuHstu^). 
For  elision,  see  Franz.  9  II,  73-79,  379-390. 

158.  Words  sometimes  stressed  and  sometimes  unstressed 
tended  to  develop  double  forms:  illds'^  illas  and  ^  las^  sua';;> 
sua  and  sa.    Cf.  S.  56-57. 

C.  QUANTITY. 

I59»  We  must  distinguish  between  the  quantity  of  vowels 
and  the  quantity  of  syllables.  Every  Latin  vowel  was  by 
nature  either  long  or  short ;  how  great  the  difference  was  we 
do  not  know,  but  we  may  surmise  that  in  common  speech  it 
was  more  marked  in  stressed  than  in  unstressed  vowels.  A 
salable  was  long  if  it  contained  (^ij  a  long  vowel  or  a  diph- 
thong or  (2)  any  vowel  +  a  following  consonant.  If,  however, 
the  consonant  was  final  and  the  next  word  began  with  a  vowel, 
the  consonant,  in  connected  speech,  was  doubtless  carried  over 
to  the  next  syllable  and  did  not  make  position:  see  §133. 
For  the  syllabication  of  mute  +  liquid,  see  §§132,  134. 

1.  POSITION. 

160.  In  some  of  the  Romance  languages  position  checked 
the  development  of  the  preceding  vowel,  and  it  is  probable  that 
the  beginnings  of  this  differentiation  go  back  to  Vulgar  Latin 
times :  pa-rem  >  Old  Fr.  per^  par-tern  >  Fr.  part.  Mute  +  liquid 
did  not  prevent  the  development:  pa-trem^Yx.  pere.  Neither, 
apparently,  did  a  final  consonant  (cf.  §133):  sa-l^Yx.  sel. 


§  163]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


69 


Compare  Italian  fiero  <^fe-rus^  ferro  <^fer-rum  ;  petto  <  pec- 
tus^ pietra  <^pe-tra^  fiel{^e)  <ife-l ;  — f  uore<ifd-ris^  collo  <i  col- 
lum;  corpo  <,cd7'-pus^  cuopre  <C^  cd-pWit^  cuor(^e)  <icd-r. 

161.  Early  in  the  Empire  ss  after  diphthongs  and  long 
vowels  was  apparently  reduced  to  j-  (S.  11 2-1 20):  cdssus';:> 
casus,  caussa  >•  causa,  formdssus  >  formdsus,  glossa  >•  glosa, 
mis  sit  118:  mIssit)  '^niisit.  This  did  not  occur,  however, 
in  the  contracted  endings  -dsse  -dssem  etc.,  -esse  -essetfi  etc., 
—tsse  —issem  etc. 

Similarly  one  /  was  lost  in  mdllo,  millia  (but  not  in  mille : 
Pompeius,  S.  127),  nollo,  paulluvi. 

162.  In  Latin  texts  there  is  much  confusion  of  single  and 
double  consonants,  especially  before  the  accent:  hal{^l)aina, 
buc{c)hia,  cot{^t)idie,^  ec{c) tesia,'^ glut(^t)ire,  mut(^t)ire,  tap{p)ete, 
ves(s)ica,  etc.  Cf.  S.  111-132,  Stolz  223-224.  In  some  words 
this  may  result  merely  from  bad  spelling;  but  often  it  must 
represent  an  actual  difference  in  pronunciation,  as  seems  to  be 
the  case  with  the  doublet  >Sp.  ca/o,  citto  { C.  I,  L.  VIII, 
1 1 594 )  >  It.  cetto.    Cf.  §  1 63. 

163.  Many  words  certainly  had  two  forms,  doubtless  be- 
longing to  different  Latin  dialects,  —  one  with  a  long  vowel + 
a  single  consonant,  the  other  with  a  short  vowel  h-  a  double 
consonant:  brdchium  brdcchiuui ;  buca  bucca;  camelus  ca7?ie/Ius, 
where  we  have  perhaps  only  a  change  of  suffix,  cf.  §42;  cJpus 
ctppus;  ciipa,  cuppa,  giving  Sp.  cuba,  Fr.  cuve,  It.  cupola  and 
Sp.  copa,  Fr.  coupe,  It.  coppa  ;  gluto  glutto  ;  hoc  erat  hocc  erat, 
S.  125-126  (Velius  Longus  and  Pompeius);  Jupiter  Juppiter; 
perhaps  litera  Iittera;  mucus  viuccus ;  pupa  puppa;  stupa 
stuppa;  sucus  succus.    Cf.  Stolz  222-225. 

^  The  antiquity  of  double  t  is  attested  by  an  old  inscription  :  Lexique  loi. 
2  Tlie  single     which  prevailed  in  Romance,  is  common  in  Greek  and  Latin  manu- 
scripts: S.  129. 


fo  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  164 

To  these  may  perhaps  be  added :  ddca  bacca;  bdsium 
^bdssiiim  (>  It.  bascio)\  brdca  bracca;  *butis  {<ipovTL<;)  * buttis 
(>  It.  botte)\  cdseus  * cdsseus  (>  It.  casdo)\  chdne{^<i^Q.vr]) 
chanfie;  conservdmus  conservammiis^  Vok.  I,  261;  jubemus 
fubemmus,  Vok.  I,  261  (^iubimmus  iobemmus)\  litus  littus; 
misi  *  missi  (>  It.  messi). 

Beside  the  two  forms  indicated,  there  was  occasionally  a 
third,  seemingly  a  cross  between  the  other  two,  having  both 
the  long  vowel  and  the  double  consonant:  angulla  (>Sp. 
anguila)  +  anginlla  —  ^  anguilla  (>  It.  anguilla)'^  *  stela  (>01d 
Fr.  esteile:  cf.  Lexique  95-98)  -\- stella  (>  It.  dialect  stella)  — 
^Stella  (>  It.  Stella;  cf.  Vok.  I,  339,  stilla)-^  strata  (>01dFr. 
estreine)  +  strenna  =  *strenna  (>  It.  strenna,  Sic.  strinna)\  tota 
(>Sp.  toda)  +  tdtta  (Keil  V,  392^)=  */i?V/i35  (>Pr.  tota,  Fr. 
toute).'^    So  perhaps  Diomedes'  Itttera:  Archiv  XIV,  403. 

164.  In  late  Latin  inscriptions  and  manuscripts  a  consonant 
was  sometimes  doubled  before  r  or  u:  acqua,  bellua,  frattre, 
lattrones,  mattrona,  strennuor,  suppra,  suppremis,  tennuis.  Cf. 
S.  122,  Stolz  223.  This  doubling  indicates  in  most  cases  a 
local  pronunciation,  prevalent  in  Africa  or  in  Italy.  Accord- 
ing to  F.  G.  Mohl,  Zs.  XXVI,  612,  a  consonant  was  doubled 
before  /  and  11  in  the  old  Italic  dialects :  compare  the  Italian 
doubling  in  fabbro,  tenne,  voile,  etc.  In  aqua  the  double  con- 
sonant, attested  by  inscriptions  and  by  Christian  poets,  was 
very  widespread  and  prevailed  in  Italy,  Raetia,  and  a  large 
part  of  Gaul.  See  Clara  Hiirlimann,  Die  Entwicklung  des 
lateinischen  aqua  in  den  romanischen  Sprachen,  reviewed  by 
Meyer-Liibke  in  Ltblt  XXIV,  334. 


1  Consentius :  "  per  adjectionem  litterce  lotttim  pro  totoP    Cf .  Gram.  1, 488,  §  547; 
Lexique  98-104.    According  to  Lat.  Spr.  485,  tottus  was  used  by  Pirminius. 
'^For  *tuttus  see  §  204(2). 


§  i66]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


71 


2.  VOWEL  QUANTITY. 

165.  Originally,  perhaps,  long  and  short  vowels  were  dis- 
tinguished only  by  duration,  the  vowels  having,  for  instance, 
the  same  sound  in  Idtus  and  Idtiis,  in  debet  and  i-edit,  in  vinum 
and  minus,  in  nomen  and  ndviis,  in  ulltis  and  multus.  However 
this  may  have  been,  long  and  short  i,  0,  and  u  were  event- 
ually differentiated,  the  short  vowels  being  open  while  the 
long  were  close :  vendo  sentio,  pinus  piper,  solus  solet,  mulus 
gula.  That  is,  for  the  vowels  of  brief  duration  the  tongue 
was  not  lifted  quite  so  high  as  for  those  held  longer.  Later, 
in  most  of  the  Empire,  i  and  11  were  allowed  to  drop  still  lower, 
and  became  e  and  0  :  see  §§  201,  208.  In  the  case  of  a,  which 
is  made  with  the  tongue  lying  flat  in  the  bottom  of  the  mouth, 
there  was  no  such  differentiation. 

According  to  Meyer-Liibke,  Lat.  Spr.  467,  the  distinction 
was  clear  by  the  first  century  of  our  era.  In  Vok.  I,  461,  II, 
146,  III,  151,  212,  is  given  the  testimony  of  grammarians,  all 
of  later  date;  in  Vok.  II,  i  ff.,  the  evidence  of  inscriptions. 
Marius  Victorinus,  about  350  a.  d.,  distinguishes  two  ^-sounds 
(S.  174,  182);  Pompeius,  about  480,  cites  TertuUian  for  an  e 
similar  to  /,  and  several  fifth  century  grammarians  plainly  dis- 
tinguish e  from  e  (S.  176,  182);  from  the  second  century  on 
was  often  used  for  e  in  inscriptions  (S.  183-184).  Terentianus 
Maurus,  by  250,  distinguishes  0  from  q  (S.  175,  211),  and  so 
do  other  grammarians  (S.  211).  Writers  do  not  clearly  dis- 
tinguish /and  until  Consentius,  in  the  fifth  century  (S.  193); 
e,  however,  is  often  used  for  i  in  inscriptions,  as  menus,  etc., 
and  i  for  e,  as  mi?ises,  etc.  (S.  195,  200-201).  None  of  the 
grammarians  apparently  distinguished  ti  and  u,  but  0  is  used 
for  u  in  inscriptions,  as  ocsor,  secondus,  etc.  (S.  216-217). 

166.  In  open  syllables,  if  the  word  is  used  in  verse,  the 
quantity  of  the  vowel  is  in  general  easily  ascertained.  In 


72 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  167 


closed  syllables  and  in  words  not  used  by  poets  the  quantity 
is  in  many  cases  doubtful ;  but  it  is  sometimes  given  by  gram- 
marians, sometimes  marked  in  inscriptions,  sometimes  con- 
jectured from  the  etymology,  and  often  shown  by  subsequent 
developments  in  the  Romance  languages.  Occasionally  the 
testimony  conflicts:  some  inscriptions  have  carIssimo,  etc., 
others  karessimo,  etc.  (S.  98,  99);  Aulus  Gellius  prescribes 
dictum^  but  an  inscription  has  dIctatori  (S.  105);  Classic 
Latin  offers  frigidus  (cf.  fri'gida,  S.  105),  but  the  Romance 
languages,  except  Spanish,  require  a  short  i;  some  Romance 
forms  support  Classic  mltrlre,  others  demand  ii;  undecim^ 
lurtdusy  ultra  were  apparently  pronounced  also  with  short  u 
(S.  81-82);  Fr.  loir  calls  for  *gltrem  beside  gltrem. 

a.  VOWELS  IN  HIATUS, 
f  167.  Vowels  in  hiatus  with  the  last  syllable  offer  difficulties. 
The  Classic  rule  that  a  vowel  before  another  vowel  is  short  is 
not  absolute  even  for  verse,  and  the  practice  of  poets  was  not 
always  in  accordance  with  spoken  usage.  Dies,  plus  kept 
their  originally  long  vowel,  attested  by  inscriptions  (dIes 
pIvs  piivs,  S.  93;  cf.  Substrate  II,  101-102);  so  cui,  proved 
by  old  inscriptions;  and,  at  least  in  part, /z^/,  found  in  inscrip- 
tions, in  Plautus,  and  in  Ennius  (S.  93):  these  preserved  their 
close  vowel  in  the  Romance  languages. 

Naturally  long  vowels,  then,  probably  kept  their  original 
quantity  in  hiatus.  Naturally  short  vowels  doubtless  had 
their  regular  development  also:  deus  —  deus,  although  we  do 
find  the  spellings  dius  and  mius  (S.  187);  duo^  din  —  dui; 
via  —  via.  At  a  later  stage,  after  u  had  become  0  (see  §§165, 
208),  any  0  before  u  was  apparently  differentiated  into  0^: 
dvum'^oiim  (cf.  %  2>'^ ^) '>  oum  (and  also  ovum,  with  a  restora- 
tion  of  the  v  through  the  plural  ova);  sHus"^  sous sous  (S. 


§  i7o]      '  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


73 


216,  Pirson  16).  There  may  have  been  other  special  varia- 
tions in  different  countries.    Cf.  §217. 

For  a  different  theory,  see  Gram.  I,  246-248.  For  another 
still,  see  A.  Horning  in  Zs.  XXV,  341. 

168.  Quia^  used  for  quod  in  late  Latin,  had  a  peculiar 
development  from  the  sixth  century  on:  before  a  vowel  it  was 
pronounced  quV  and  was  confused  with^z/zV,  which  had  begun 
to  assume  the  functions  of  quod  (see  §§69,  82;  cf.  Franz.  9  II, 
352-355);  before  a  consonant,  under  the  influence  of  qua  and 
qua{m),  it  became  qua.  Cf.  Franz.  9  II,  357-390;  J.  Jean- 
jaquet,  Recherches  sur  Vorigine  de  la  coirjonction  ^que^  et  des 
formes  romanes  iquivalentes^  1894. 

169.  Pluere  was  supplanted  in  popular  usage  by  pidvere 
{Lat.  Spr.  468).  Fluvia^  on  the  other  hand,  gave  way  to 
*pldja.    Cf.  §208,(4). 

b.  LENGTHENING  BEFORE  CONSONANTS. 

170.  According  to  some  grammarians,  vowels  were  length- 
ened before  y,  as  in  ejus^  major.  The  Romance  languages, 
however,  point  to  open  vowels  in  pejor^  Troja.  The  apparent 
contradiction  disappears  if  we  accept  the  statement  of  Teren- 
tianus  Maurus,  250  a.  d.,  who  says  (S.  104)  that  the  vowels 
in  these  words  were  short,  but  the  j  was  doubled  —  that  is, 
there  was  a  glide  from  the  vowel  to  the y',  which  prolonged  the 
first  syllable:  not pcjor,  Jrdja,  but peijor,  Troija.  We  find  in 
inscriptions  such  spellings  as  Aiiax,  coiiux,  cuiiuSy  eiius, 
maiiorem^  etc.:  S.  236,  Pirson  74.  Quintilian  states  that 
Cicero  preferred  aiio^  Maiiam,  with  double  /'  (S.  236).  Velius 
Longus  adds  that  as  Cicero  approved  of  Aiiacem^  Maiiam^  we 
should  write  Troiia  also  (S.  236).  Priscian  analyzes  pejus, 
etc.,  into  pei-iusy  ei-ius^  mai-ius  (^^don  207). 


74  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  172 

171.  When  n  was  followed  by  a  fricative  (/,  /,  Sy  or  v)^  it 
regularly  fell  early  in  Latin,  and  the  preceding  vowel  was 
lengthened  by  compensation:  cesor,  cojugi^  coventio,  iferi.  But 
inasmuch  as  n  occurs  before  /,  y,  and  v  only  at  the  end  of  pre- 
fixes,  it  was  usually  restored  by  the  analogy  of  the  full  forms 
con-y  in~:  so  mfantem  through  indignus^  etc.;  conjungere 
through  conducere^  etc. ;  convenire  through  continere,  etc.  Be- 
fore Sy  however,  n  occurred  in  the  middle  of  many  words,  and 
the  fall  was  permanent,  the  n  being  restored  only  in  com- 
pounds before  initial  s:  cdsuly  tsulay  mesisy  sposus;  but  insig- 
nare.    Cf.  §311. 

It  is  altogether  likely  that  the  n  fell  through  nasalization 
of  the  vowel:  consul  consul  cosul  cdsul.  If  so,  all  trace  of  the 
nasality  disappeared,  but  the  length  and  the  close  quality  of 
the  vowel  remained.    Cf.  Archiv  XIV,  400. 

Romance  and  late  Vulgar  Latin  words  with  ns  (except  in 
compounds  as  above)  are  either  learned  terms  or  new  forma- 
tions: so  pensa7'ey  beside  the  old  popular  ^pesare. 

See  S.  77-78;  for  the  usage  of  Cicero  and  others,  S.  86; 
for  inscriptions,  S.  89. 

172.  (i)  Vowels  were  apparently  lengthened  before  rjk: 
quinquCy  sdnctusy  etc.    Cf.  S.  78;  for  inscriptions,  S.  90. 

(2)  Before  gn  vowels  were  lengthened  according  to  Priscian 
(S.  91),  and  inscriptions  mark  length  in  dignusy  regnunty  stgnum 
(cf.  stgillum)y  S.  91.  The  Romance  languages,  however, 
call  for  dignuSy  lignum,  pignusy  pugnusy  signum.  Priscian,  who 
wrote  in  the  sixth  century,  is  a  very  late  authority,  and  some 
philologists  regard  the  passage  in  question  as  an  interpola- 
tion of  still  later  date;  still  the  evidence  of  the  inscriptions 
remains.  According  to  Meyer-Liibke  {Gram.  I,  54,  Lat.  Spr. 
467),  the  vowel  was  lengthened,  but  only  after  Zy  u  had  be- 
come /,  Uy  so  that  the  result  was  f,  Uy  not  f,  u;  cf.  benegnvs 


§  174]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


75 


in  C.  I.  L.  XII,  2153,  which  is  doubtless  equivalent  to  the 
benIgnus  of  C.  I.  L.  XII,  722.  This  seems  a  very  plausible 
explanation.  C.  D.  Buck,  however,  in  the  Classical  Review 
XV,  311,  prefers  to  regard  such  forms  as  dlg?iiis^  in  so  far  as 
they  existed  at  all,  as  due  to  a  vulgar  or  local  pronunciation. 

c.  DISAPPEARANCE  OF  THE  OLD  QUANTITY. 

173.  The  difference  in  quantity  was  probably  greater  and 
more  constant  in  accented  than  in  unaccented  vowels.  The 
distinctions  in  quality,  resulting  from  the  original  quantity, 
remained,  in  stressed  syllables,  through  the  Latin  period  and 
developed  further  in  the  Romance  languages;  in  unaccented 
syllables  the  distinctions  were  doubtless  weaker,  and  were 
often  obliterated. 

174.  The  old  quantity  itself  was  lost,  for  the  most  part 
during  the  Empire.  It  seems  to  have  disappeared  from  un- 
stressed syllables  by  the  third  or  fourth  century ;  but  confusion 
set  in  as  early  as  the  second.  The  nominative  singular  -is 
and  the  plural  -cs  were  confounded  by  150  a.  d.  (S.  75),  and 
<^  was  often  used  for  e  in  inscriptions  (S.  183-184:  befice,  etc.). 
Terentianus  Maurus,  about  250,  tells  us  that  au  is  short  in 
unaccented  syllables,  as  in  aut  (S.  66).  Other  grammarians 
warn  against  quantitative  mistakes.  Servius  says,  in  the  fourih 
century,  ''^miserce  dativus  est  non  adverbium,"  etc.  (S.  226). 
The  poetry  of  Commodian,  in  the  third  or  fourth  century, 
seems  to  observe  quantity  in  stressed  and  to  neglect  it  in 
unstressed  syllables,  and  we  find  numerous  metrical  errors 
in  other  late  poets:  cf.  J.  Cornu,  Versbaii  dcs  Commodian 
in  Bausteifie  576. 

On  the  other  hand,  Latin  words  borrowed  by  the  Britons, 
mostly  in  the  third  and  fourth  centuries,  show,  through  a 
shift  of  accent,  the  preservation  of  quantity  in  post-tonic 


76 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  176 


syllables:  Loth  72,  65.  Moreover,  Latin  words  borrowed  by- 
Old  High  German  indicate  a  retention  of  long  /  and  u  before 
the  accent:  Franz. 

It  is  possible  that  the  quantity  of  unstressed  vowels  was 
better  kept  in  the  provinces  than  in  Italy. 

175.  In  accented  syllables  there  are  sporadic  examples  of 
confusion  by  the  second  century,  as  ceques  for  eques  in  197 
(S.  225);  but  probably  the  disappearance  of  the  old  distinc- 
tion was  not  general  before  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries,  and 
not  complete  before  the  end  of  the  sixth.  Servius,  in  the 
fourth  century,  criticizes  Roma  (S.  106).  St.  Augustine  de- 
clares that  "Afrae  aures  de  correptione  vocalium  vel  produc- 
tione  non  judicant"  {Lat.  Spr.  467).  Pompeius  and  other 
grammarians  blame  the  confusion  of  cequus  and  equus  (S.  107, 
178).    Much  late  poetry  disregards  quantity  altogether. 

On  the  other  hand,  Latin  words  borrowed  by  the  Britons 
from  the  second  to  the  fifth  century,  but  mostly  in  the  third 
and  fourth,  show  the  preservation  of  the  quantity  of  stressed 
vowels:  Loth  64.  Latin  words  in  Anglo-Saxon,  taken  over  in 
the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  retain  the  quantity  of  vowels  that 
bear  the  accent:  Pogatscher.  The  Latin  words  in  Old  High 
German,  too,  distinguish  by  quantity  i  and  e  and  ^,  0  and  0^ 
u  and  u;  0  are  distinguished  by  quality  also,  for  ^>  i  while 
^>  e  or     ^7  >    or  <?  while  d'^o:  Franz. 

d.  DEVELOPMENT  OF  A  NEW  QUANTITY. 

176.  At  the  end  of  the  Latin  period  ajiew  system  of  quan- 
tity grew  up,  entirely  diverse  from  the  old,  and  based  on  the 
situation  of  the  vowel.  In  most  of  the  Empire  accented 
vowels  not  in  position  were  pronounced  long,  all  other  vowels 
short:  sdncto  vdles^  vendo  venis^  dixt  plicds^  fqrtnds  fqriyfructus 


§  178]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


77 


gule;  ca-the-drd  te-ne-brds ;  cq-r  me-l  nd-s  re-m  tre-s.  In  Spain 
and  in  some  parts  of  Gaul,  all  stressed  vowels  were  appar- 
ently long:  temp  us,  porta. 

This  new  pronunciation  doubtless  sprang  up  with  the  dis- 
appearance of  the  old,  which  it  displaced.  Meyer-Liibke  in 
Gram.  I,  561-562,  says  that  the  development  was  different 
and  independent  in  the  several  Romance  languages;  in  Einf. 
103-104,  he  describes  it  as  common  to  all,  but  as  posterior  to 
the  fifth  century;  in  Lat.  Spr.  467,  he  puts  it  in  the  fourth 
and  fifth  centuries. 

177.  It  is  likely  that  these  new  long  vowels  were  pro- 
nounced in  most  regions  with  a  circumflex  intonation,  which 
in  the  transition  from  Latin  to  the  Romance  languages  re- 
sulted in  diphthongization  in  a  large  part  of  the  Empire,  par- 
ticularly in  northern  Gaul:  venis^W..  vieni,  gula"^  Old  Fr. 
goule,  cqr^  It.  cuor,  nqs'^  Fr.  nous,  /r-fj- >  Old  Fr.  treis.  Por- 
tugal, southern  Gaul,  Lombardy,  and  Sicily  apparently  did 
not  participate  in  this  early  breaking;  and  the  conditions  of 
diphthongization  were  very  diverse  in  different  localities. 
The  vowels  most  affected  were  e  and  0. 

An  isolated  example,  perhaps  only  a  blunder,  occurs  in  an 
inscription  made  a  little  before  120  a.  d.  :  niepos,  beside 
nepotis  (A.  Zimmermann  in  Zs.  XXV,  735).  In  419  a.  d. 
we  find  vobit  for  obiit  (S.  213). 

D.  VOWELS. 

178.  Latin  had  the  vowels  a,  I,  0,  u,  and  in  unaccented 
syllables  before  a  labial  (as  in  proxumus)  a  short  u;  further- 
more, the  groups  ci",  au,  cu,  ce,  also  Jii.  We  have  seen  (§  165) 
that  <?,  0,  u  were  pronounced  close,  and  <?,  0,  u  open,  while 
d  was  not  affected  by  quantity.    We  shall  see  presently 


78 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§  182 


(§§209,  210)  that  ^>£and  r^>f,  while  au^  eu  generally 
remained  dtc^  eu  (^cdutus^  ceu),  and  ui  (as  in  cut)  was  ui. 

179.  The  foreign  vowels  of  borrowed  words  were  assimil- 
ated in  some  fashion  to  the  Latin  system.  In  the  few  Celtic 
words  that  were  taken  over  there  are  no  important  peculiari- 
ties. In  the  Germanic  vocabulary  there  is  not  much  to  be 
noted:  ai  in  words  adopted  early  apparently  became  as 
* waidanjan^* wadaniare ;  eu  (or  iu)  appears  in  treuwa  (or 
triuwa)^  which  became  ^trewa;  iu  is  found  in  skiuhan^ 

skivare. 

The  history  of  Greek  vowels  is  very  complicated:  — 

GREEK  VOWELS. 

180.  According  to  Quintilian  (Edon  64-65),  the  Greek 
letters  were  sounded  as  in  Greek.  This  pronunciation  was 
doubtless  the  ideal  of  people  of  fashion,  but  popular  speech 
substituted  for  unfamiliar  vowels  the  sounds  of  the  vernacu- 
lar. The  inconsistencies  in  this  substitution  arise  partly  from 
the  different  dates  at  which  words  were  borrowed,  partly  from 
the  channel  (written  or  oral)  through  which  they  came,  and 
partly  from  the  various  pronunciations  of  the  vowels  in  the 
several  Greek  dialects. 

181.  long  or  short,  was  pronounced  a:  ^a.(Ti%'>  PhdsiSy 
<f)dkayi  > phalanx. 

182.  H  was  in  Greek  originally  a  long  ^,  but  early  in  our 
era  it  became  i.  In  book-words  it  was  assimilated  to  Latin 
e:  aTTo9riKrj'>  apotheca'^  It.  bottega;  so  in  some  late  words,  as 
^\a.(j<\>i]\Ki(x'>  blasphemia^W..  bestemmia.  In  words  of  more 
popular  origin  it  often  had  the  Greek  open  sound :  iKKX-qcria  > 
eclesia;  cr-qirLa'^  scepia^  but  also  sepia';:>  It.  seppia;  a-Kiqvrj'^ 
sccena  scena.    Late  words  often  show  //  6.(iKy)T'f]^  >  ascitis,  Per, 


§  1 86]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


79 


40,  I,  etc.;  lKKk-t](Tia.i'^  eclisicB^  Neumann  9;  /xovao-rrypiov^- mo- 
nastirium,  /xv(rr?//3tov>  mistirium,  etc.,  Claussen  854-855 ;  raTn}- 
Tiov  >  Fr.  tapis  ^  Pr.  tap  it. 

183.  E  was  close  in  some  Greek  dialects,  open  in  others. 
In  book-words  it  was  assimilated  to  Latin  e:  ytVeo-is  "y- genesis. 
In  popular  words  it  was  sometimes  close,  sometimes  open: 
fprjixo^  >  er'mus  er'mus  >  It.  ermo^  Sp.  yermo;  KeBpos  >  cedrus  > 
It.  cedro;  Triirtpi^ piper ;  Ixi^axo^^  Stephanus  SteJ)hanus.  Cf. 
Claussen  853-854. 

184.  /,  at  least  in  the  principal  dialects,  seems  to  have  had 
a  very  open  sound,  even  when  long.  In  book-words  it  was 
assimilated  to  Latin  I;  phimus ;  <^l\o^';> philus.  In 
popular  words  i  apparently  became  f,  later  f  or  ^/  t  apparently 
became  later  often  e:  ap0plTiK6<;':>  arthriticus^  It.  artetico; 
dpTejjua-La  >  artemisia  >  Old  Fr.  armeise;  /SoiXxT-qs  >  boletus; 
o/otyavos>  It.  regamo ;  yjilcrpja.'^  chrisma^lx.  crejima^  Old  Fr. 
cresme;  Xplaro^  >  Christus  Chirstus^  cf.  Christianiis  Chres- 
tianus;  etc.;  —  avTL4>ovo<:'^*  a7ite/ona';;>  Old  Fr.  antiefne;  pXCrov 

blztum^lt.  bieia;  p.lvOr\^  mental  \\..  mentay  Sp.  mienta; 
rnva.Tn^  sinapi^W.  senape;  etc.    Cf.  Claussen  855-857. 

185.  O  was  probably  ^,  but  perhaps  dialectically  0  (cf.  wpa 
"p- hqra).  In  book-words  it  was  assimilated  to  Latin  0:  (jnoKrj 
> phoca.  In  popular  words  it  apparently  became  ^,  occasion- 
ally ti:  yXwo-o-a  >  It.  chiosa;  tttojxos  >  It.  pitqcco;  rpuiKT-q^^ 
tructa.    Cf.  Claussen  869-870. 

186.  O  in  most  dialects  was  q.  In  book-words  it  was 
assimilated  to  Latin  0:  K6<\iivo<i^  cdphinus ;  op^av6<i'>  drphaniis. 
In  popular  words  it  was  generally  close,  but  sometimes  open, 
and  occasionally  the  same  word  had  both  pronunciations: 
dfxopyr}  >  aniurca;  >  dqga  >  It.  dqga^  etc. ;  k6ixixl';> guvinii ; 
dajxrj'^^  It.  qrma;    irop(^vpa  > purpura;   ropvos  >  iqnius  >  It. 


So 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  187 


fornOy  etc.;  —  Koyxrj  >  concha;  crrpot^o^  >  stroppus ;  yop^y)  > 
chorda;  —  Koka<\>o%~:>  cqlaphus  cojaphus.    Cf.  Claussen  857-860. 

187.  Y  was  originally  pronounced  it;  later  in  Attic  and 
Ionic  it  became  ii^  which  subsequently,  in  the  9th  or  loth 
century,  was  unrounded  into  i. 

In  the  older  borrowed  words,  perhaps  taken  mostly  from 
Doric  (Claussen  865),  v  regularly  was  assimilated  to  Latin  11 
(S.  219-221):  ^vp<j(x':>  bursa ;  Kp-virr-q^  crupta ;  Kvjxf3r}'>  cumba; 
y.vk\o%^  mullus ;  fxvpTo^^  murfa,  App.  Pr.;  7n;^o?>  buxus.  It. 
busta  seems  to  represent  a  peculiar  local  development:  cf. 
buxida  pyxis)  in  Theodorus  Priscianus  and  in  glosses, 
Lat  Spr.  468.  Cf.  Zefurus^  Audollent  536;  ^^tymum  non  tu- 
tnum^^^  App.  Pr.;  Olumpus^  etc.,  Pirson  39.  In  Tpvra.vy]^ 
trutma  the  v  was  shortened.  In  ay Kvpa  >  ancora,  o-Tvpa|> 
storaxy  and  a  few  other  words  the  v  for  some  reason  became  0; 
these  probably  have  nothing  to  do  with  KaXT;7rr/oa>  It.  calojta^ 
KpyirTT)  >  It.  grojta^  ixvSo<i  >  It.  mojto^  in  which  the  is  a  later 
local  development.  For  some  words  we  find  an  occasional  spell- 
ing oe^  which  may  represent  a  Greek  dialect  pronunciation  be- 
tween u  and  ii:  yvpo^^ gyrus  goei'us ;  M.vaia'^  My sia  Mozsia;  etc. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  Republic,  cultivated  people  adopted 
for  Greek  words  the  Ionic-Attic  pronunciation,  which  is  gen- 
erally represented,  in  the  case  of  v,  by  the  spelling  y.  Cicero 
says:  ^^Burrum  semper  Ennius,  nunquam  Pyrrhum'"  (S.  221). 
According  to  Cassiodorus,  u  is  the  spelling  in  some  words,  y 
in  others  (S.  221).  In  the  App.  Pr.  we  find:  Marsyas  mon 
Marsuas,^^  ^'■myrta  non  murta,^^  ^^porphyreticum  marmor  non 
purpureticum  marmor^^^  '■'•tymum  non  tumum.^^  Among  the 
common  people  the  unfamiliar  u  was  assimilated  to  The 
spelling  /  occurs  sometimes  before  Augustus:  ay  kvXux^  and  Ha  ; 
*08v(T(TeLa>  Odissmy  Livius  Andronicus;  'OXvaa-ev-i  ^  C/Zixes. 
In  inscriptions  we  find  tnisteriis,  etc.,  S.  221.    The  App.  Pr, 


§  192]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  8i 

has  '''■gyrus  non  girus.'"  Cf.  giro^  misterii,  etc.,  Bechtel  76-77; 
girety  Audollent  535;  Frigia^  etc.,  Pirson  39.  This  /,  if  long, 
was  usually  pronounced  i;  if  short,  /,  which  became  e:  yvpo<s 
>■  It.  giro;  Kv/xa^It.  cima;  (ruptyya>It.  scilinga ;  —  kv/cvos  >■ 
It.  cecino;  etc.  For  (rvKiarov,  see  §  141;  7'vj/'os>It.  gesso  is 
probably  a  local  development.  Kv  frequently  became  qui: 
KoXoKvvT-q'^  coloquinfa,  etc.;  cf.  §  223. 

The  modern  Greek  pronunciation  is  represented  by  some 
Romance  words:  a/xvAov>It.  amido;  /?v^ai/rts >  It.  bisante; 
Tv/xTTtti/ov >  Fr.  timbre;  etc. 

Cf.  Claussen  860-869. 

188.  AI  originally  became  ai^  as  in  Ata?  >  Aiax^  Maux  > 
Maia;  later  cb  (as  in  alyifi^  cegis)^  which  came  to  be  pro- 
nounced €y  as  in  kiOLOTTLa  >  Ethiopia  Ethiopia.  Cf.  Claussen 
871-872. 

189.  A  Y'> au :  O-qcravpo^'^ thesaurus.   Cf.  Claussen  872-873. 

190.  jS'/was  doubtless  originally  pronounced  ei  in  Greek, 
then,  from  the  sixth  to  the  fourth  century  b.  c,  e;  finally, 
about  the  third  century,  f,  except  before  vowels.  In  Latin,  ct 
became  f  before  consonants,  e  ox  i  before  vowels;  ct8aiAoi/> 
idolum;  Trdpahucro's^paradisus;  ireipaTrj';'^  pirdta;  —  KAcicli  > 
Clio;  lA-tfitva.^  Medea.  In  -aos  -cia  -ciov,  the  penult  was  often 
shortened:  ■nXarCa'^ platea.    Cf.  Claussen  873-875. 

191.  ^  Fgenerally  became  Evpo9  >  ^z/rz/i".  Such  forms 
as  erm'eneumata  non  erminomata^^  {App.  Fr.)y  toreomatum 
from  Topevfm,  may  be  merely  misspellings:  cf.  Clepatra  for 
Cleopatra.  Some  Romance  forms  show  u:  K£A.€vo-/Aa>  ?  It. 
ciurma.    Cf.  Claussen  875-877. 

192.  (9/ originally  became  oi,  as  in  iroLvri>poina;  later  ce 
(as  in  poena) y  which  came  to  be  pronounced  f,  as  in  ^oi^os  > 
Fh(£bu5  Fhebus  (S.  277),    Sometimes,  however,  it  became  0% 


82 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


as  in  TTotr^T'^?  > poeta.  Cimiterium  cymiterium^  for  coemeterium 
<iKOLfjLr)TrjpLov,  perhaps  indicates  an  ignorant  confusion  of  u 
and  0.    Cf.  Claussen  877-878. 

Like  ot,  (0  became  ce:  KiofxoiSLa';;^  ^:omcedm. 

193.  (9Kwas  doubtless  originally  pronounced  ou  in  Greek, 
then  0,  then  u.  In  Latin  it  usually  became  u:  /3povxos> 
bruchus;  ovpav6<:'>  Uranus.    Cf.  Claussen  878-879. 

I.  ACCENTED  VOWELS, 
a.  SINGLE  VOWELS. 
N.B.  —  For  vowels  in  hiatus,  see  §  167.    For  nasal  vowels,  see  §  171. 
a 

194.  A  regularly  remained  unchanged  in  the  greater  part 
of  the  Empire:  caputs  daj-e,  factum^  latus^  manus^patrem^  tantus. 
But  in  Gaul,  especially  in  the  north,  it  probably  had  a  forward 
pronunciation  tending  somewhat  toward  £;  cf.  crepere  (probably 
for  crepare)  in  GL  Reich. ;  and  agneius  (for  agndtus  T)  in  Frede- 
garius,  Haag  6. 

195.  Some  words  had  a  peculiar  development:  — 

(1)  Beside  alacrem  the  Romance  languages  seem  to  postulate  alecrem 
and  alecrem.  It  is  possible  that  dldcer  (whence  alacrem)  "^^dlecer  (whence 
alecrem')^  then  *altcer  (whence  alicrem  alecrem). 

(2)  For  the  suffix  -arius,  see  §  39,  -arius. 

(3)  Beside  cerasus  {<^Kipaa-os)  there  must  have  been  a  Latin  *cer^sus» 
So  beside  *cerdseus,  which  was  used  in  southern  Italy,  Rome,  and  Sar- 
dinia, there  was  a  cereseus,  which  was  used  elsewhere:  Zat.  Spr.  468;  cf. 
Substrate  I,  544. 

(4)  Beside  gravis  there  was  a  grevis,  under  the  influence  of  levis: 
GREVE,  Lat.  Spr.  468;  cf.  Substrate  II,  441. 

(5)  Beside  malum  (-<  Doric  fiaXop)  there  was  a  melum  ( <C  m\ov),  used 
by  Petronius  and  others:  Lat.  Spr.  468. 

(6)  Beside  vacuus  there  was  a  vacuus:  vocuam^  C.  /.  L.  VI,  1527  d  33; 
cf.  vocatioy  C.  I.  L.  I,  198,  etc.  Cf.  S.  171,  Olcott  33.   The  0  was  probably 


§  198]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


83 


original;  old  vocdre,  vociviis  regularly  became  vacdre,  vacivus  {^vacuus), 
whence  by  analogy  vdcat  for  vocat:  Lat.  Spr.  466.  By  a  change  of  sufifix 
■voctius  became  *vddtus. 

e 

196.  Long  which  was  pronounced  e  (§  165),  probably 
remained  unchanged  in  Vulgar  Latin,  at  least  in  most  re- 
gions: debere,  debet^  habetis,  mercedem,  vendere,  verus. 

In  Sicily,  Calabria,  and  southern  Apulia  e  has  become  /. 
In  old.Oscan,  which  was  spoken  in  nearly  the  same  region,  e 
became  /  in  late  Republican  times,  as  in  cinsum,  dibeto,  etc. 
{Lexique  106).  There  is,  however,  no  proof  of  historical  con- 
nection between  the  phenomena:  cf.  Lat.  Spr,  468. 

197.  /  is  very  often  used  for  e  in  inscriptions  and  late 
writings:  Gregory  the  Great  has  crudilitas,  dulcido^  ficit^  filix^ 
minsam^  vindo^  etc.,  -ido  for  -edo^  -isco  for  —esco^  -isimus  for 
-esimus;  and  conversely  ver  iox  vir,  etc.:  Sepulcri  193-194. 
Cf.  S.  189-190;  Carnoy  15  ff.  {Jicet  in  the  3d  century,  etc.). 
Also  Vok.:  for  the  confusion  of  -ere  and  -ire^  I,  260 ff.,  II, 
69 ff.;  for  -esco  and  -isco^  I,  359-364;  for  -elis  and  -ilis^  -eliiis 
and  —lliusy  I,  287-289;  for  vindiniia  instead  of  vindemia^  I, 
328,  III,  127  {Lexiqiie  115).  These  spellings  are  due  in  the 
main  to  the  identity  of  ^^and  tin  late  pronunciation:  see  §  165. 

A.  Sepulcri,  in  Studi  Medievali  I,  614-615,  conjectures  that 
s  -f-  consonant  may  have  tended  to  raise  e  to  0  to  u.  This 
would  account  for  bistia  {=  bestia)  found  in  late  Latin,  Studi 
Medievali  I,  613;  for  crisco  and  other  verbs  in  -isco  for  -esco; 
for  adimplisti^  etc.;  for  fistus^  etc.;  —  also  for  colustra;  for  co- 
gnusco  and  other  verbs  in  -usco  for  -osco.  Some  of  the  -esco 
>-lsco  cases  are  surely  due  to  a  shift  of  conjugation:  see 
§§414-415. 

198.  In  Gaul  this  substitution  of  i  for  e  was  so  very  com- 
mon thai  it  must  signify  something.    It  probably  indicates  an 


84 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  201 


extremely  close  pronunciation  of  the  e  (cf.  q)\  later,  in  north- 
ern Gaul,  this  very  high  e/^ei  (^verum'^OXd  Fr.  veir):  Lat, 
Spr.  468.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Celtic  e  also  became  i: 
Dottin  99. 

Lexique  104-105:  criscit,  riges^  iris,  vexif,  etc.  Pirson  2-5: 
ficerent^  ficit,  requiiscit^  rictu,  rigna^  etc.  Neumann  lo-ii: 
adoliscens,  minses^  quiiscit^  rigna.  Bon.  106-113:  minse^  quin- 
quaginsima,  etc.  Haag  8-9:  adoliscens,  criscens^  ingraviscente^ 
seniscit,  tepiscit;  delitus^  fedilis^  habitur^  mi?isis,  sidibus,  stillUy 
etc.    Cf.  Vok.  I,  311  ff. 

e 

199.  Short  ^,  which  was  pronounced  e  (see  §  165),  remained 
unchanged:  bene^  exit^  ferrum^  ferus,  festa^  teneo,  venit. 

For  the  development  of  diphthongs,  see  §  177. 

(i)  According  to  Lat.  Spr.  466,  vaster^  which  supplanted  vester^  is  to  be 
regarded  as  a  new  formation  on  the  model  of  noster  rather  than  as  the 
old  form. 

i 

200.  Long  /,  pronounced  i  (§  165),  remained  unchanged: 
audire^  duo,  mille,  qulnque  (^Substrate  I,  546),  villa ^  vinum. 

(1)  Frtg^dus,  except  in  Spain,  must  have  become  ^frigMus  {'^frtgdus)^ 
perhaps  through  association  with  rtgidus.    Cf.  §  166. 

(2)  Beside  ilex  there  was  an  elex,  found  in  Gregory  of  Tours :  Archiv 
fiir  das  Studium  der  neueren  Sprachen  CXV,  397.    Cf.  Lexique  114. 

(3)  Beside  stcula  there  was  a  secula  {Lexique  Ii9)>-It.  segolo.  Varro 
{Lexique  1 19)  mentions  a  rustic  speca  for  spJca.  It.  stegola,  Sp.  and  Port. 
esteva  postulate  *steva  for  stiva  ;  ci.  C.  G.  L.  IV,  177, 1.  i. 

(4)  For  St,  see  §  229,  (4). 

i 

201.  Short  pronounced  /  (§  165),  became,  doubtless  by 
the  third  century  and  sporadically  earlier,  e  in  nearly  all  the 
Empire:  btbo,  circulus,  tile,  minus,  piscem,  sitis,  vitium.  The 
spelling  e  for  i  is  common  from  the  third  century  on :  frecare^ 


§  203]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


8S 


legare,  me?ius,  etc.,  S.  200-201 ;  elud  (=  ilhid),  Audollent  535; 
minester,  etc.,  Pirson  8-10;  karessetno,  etc.,  Carnoy  i5ff. ; 
minester,  sebe^  semul,  sene^  vea^  Neumann  23-25;  corregia,  etc., 
R.  463;  accepere^  trea,  etc.,  Bon.  11 7-1 23;  ceteneris^  trebus,  etc., 
Haag  II.  Conversely  i  is  often  used  for  e  (cf.  §§  197,  198): 
minses^  etc.,  S.  195;  benivolus,  etc.,  R.  463.  Quintilian  and 
Varro  mention  (S.  166)  a  rustic  e  for  I,  attested  also  by  in- 
scriptions (S.  202). 

In  Sardinia  and  a  part  of  Corsica  this  change  did  not  take 
place,  and  both  i  and  t^i.  These  two  islands  were  taken 
from  Rome  by  the  Vandals  in  458  and  added  to  the  African 
kingdom;  after  that  they  were  perhaps  isolated:  Ei?i/.  106. 

In  southern  Italy  e  from  like  e  from  ^,  became  i:  cf. 
§  196. 

(1)  Beside  camisia  there  was  a  camisia:  Substrate  I,  541. 

(2)  Beside  stmul  there  was  a  * semul,  perhaps  through  the  analogy  of 
simel:  Lat,  Spr.  468. 

(3)  Sinister  was  replaced  by  sinexter,  under  the  influence  of  dexter: 
Lat.  Spr.  469. 

0 

202.  Long  0,  pronounced  0  (§  165),  remained  unchanged 
in  Vulgar  Latin,  at  least  in  most  regions:  coldrem,  fdrvia^ 
horay  nomen^  solus,  sponsus.  In  Sicily,  Calabria,  and  southern 
Apulia  0  has  become  as  it  did  in  old  Oscan:  cf.  the  change 
of  e  to  /,  §  196. 

For  agnusco,  cognusco,  etc.,  used  by  Gregory  the  Great  and 
others,  see  the  end  of  §  197.  The  popular  ustium  for  ostium 
{Lat.  Spr.  468;  Studi  Medievali  I,  613)  is  perhaps  to  be  ex- 
plained in  this  way. 

For  ou  >  ou,  see  §  167. 

203.  The  spelling  u  for  0  is  very  common  in  Gaul  {^Lat.  Spr. 
468):  /urmUf  etc.,  S.  214;  amure,  etc.,  Pirson  13;  victurias, 


86  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  206 

etc.,  Bon.  126-130;  cognusco,  gluria,  nun,  puni^  etc.,  Haag  13. 
It  probably  represents  a  very  close  sound,  which  later,  in  north- 
ern Gaul,  became  ou  or  u:  cortem  >  Old  Fr.  court.    Cf.  §  198. 

204.  There  are  a  few  peculiar  cases:  — 

(1)  Fr.  and  Sp.  meuble,  mueble  postulate  0  in  mobilis,  presumably  through 
the  analogy  of  moveo.    Cf.  §  217. 

(2)  Beside  totus  and  tottus  (§  163),  some  of  the  Romance  forms  point  to 
*tuttus  or  *tuctus,  or  at  least  to  a  nom.  pi.  *tutti  or  *tucti:  It.  sg.  tiitto^  pi. 
tutti;  Neapolitan  sg.  totto^  pi.  tuttp ;  old  Fr.,  Pr.  sg.  tot,  pi.  iuit.  The 
Italian  tutto  may  have  come  through  the  plural.  Such  a  form  seems  to 
be  attested  by  the  Gl.  Cassel:  "aiatutti.  uuela  alle,"  where  tutti  is  defined 
as  alle.  No  satisfactory  explanation  has  been  proposed ;  the  most  plausi- 
ble, perhaps,  is  that  of  Mohl,  Lexique  102-104,  namely,  the  influence  of 
cuncti  on  toti.  Cf.  Zs.  XXXIII,  143. 

6 

205.  Short  0,  pronounced  0  (§  165),  remained  unchanged: 
bonus,  folia,  /oris,  forum,  locus,  mortem,  sdlet,  sortem.  The 
rustic  Latin  funtes,  frundes  (for  fontes,  frondes)  are  perhaps 
connected  with  Italian  fonte  and  other  words  containing  0  for 
0  before  n  -h  dental. 

U  is  occasionally  used  for  0  in  inscriptions:  lucus,  etc.,  S. 
211— 212.    Cf.  Aj>p.  Pr.,  ''^formica  non  furmica.^* 
For  the  development  of  diphthongs,  see  §  177. 

u 

206.  Long  pronounced  u  (§  165),  remained  unchanged 
in  most  of  the  Empire:  cura,  durus,  nullus,  una.  Gramma- 
rians mention  the  protrusion  of  the  lips:  S.  216. 

But  in  Gaul,  a  large  part  of  northern  Italy,  and  western 
Raetia  it  was  probably  formed  a  little  forward  of  its  normal 
position.  It  was  certainly  not  u,  cf.  K.  Nyrop,  Grammaire 
historique  de  langue  francaise  I,  §  187;  but  it  doubtless  slightly 
approached  it.    This  pronunciation  may  have  been  due  to  the 


§  2o8]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  87 

linguistic  habits  of  the  Celts:  cf.  Windisch  396-397.  Celtic 
^>  2"  in  Great  Britain  by  the  second  century;  in  Latin  words 
borrowed  by  the  Celts  u  is  generally  treated  like  Celtic  0 
(^murus^  mur^,  but  in  a  few,  presumably  taken  very  early, 
u^l  {cupa  >  cib^  crudus  >  criz)  :  Loth  67-68. 

207.  The  following  special  cases  are  to  be  noted:  — 

(1)  Beside  liiridus  there  probably  was  a  *lurdus:  Substrate  III,  517. 

(2)  NiipticBy  through  the  analogy  of  *ndvius  ("bridegroom,"  from  noviis) 
and  nSra,  became  noptice:  Lat.  Spr.  469.    Cf.  Substrate  IV,  134. 

(3)  Beside  piimex  there  was  a  pomex:  Bon.  136,  pomice.  Cf.  F.  G. 
Mohl  in  Zs.  XXVI,  617-618. 

u 

208.  Short  pronounced  u  (§  165),  became,  probably  by 
the  fourth  century  or  earlier,  0  in  most  of  the  Empire:  bucca^ 
culpa^  gula,  ruptus^  unda.  The  spelling  0  is  common  in  late 
documents:  '■'•columna  non  colomna,^^  '■'■turma  non  torma^^  (cf. 
^'•coluber  non  colober^^^  ^^/ormosus  non  formu?tsus^^^  ^^puella  non 
poella"),  App.  Pr.;  tomolus^  etc.,  Pirson  15-17;  tonica^  etc., 
Bon.  132-135;  corso^  covet um  i^  —  cubitum)^  io?teca,  Haag  14. 
The  old  spelling  0  for  u  after  v  {yoltus^  servos^  etc.),  which 
lasted  down  into  the  Empire,  is  perhaps  only  orthographic: 
Lat,  Spr.  464. 

In  Sardinia,  a  part  of  Corsica,  Albania,  and  Dacia  this 
change  did  not  take  place,  and  both  u  and  u':^  u :  Lat. 
Spr.  467. 

For  ou  >  ou^  see  §  167. 

(1)  Beside  angiistia  there  must  have  been  *angdstta. 

(2)  Fr.  couleuvre,  Jleuve^  jeune  call  for  local  o  in  coltibra,  fliiviuniy 
juvenis.    There  are  other  local  irregularities.    Cf.  §  217. 

(3)  In  place  of  niirus  we  find  ndrus  (R.  465)  and  ndra  (S.  216),  due  to 
the  analogy  of  soror  and  *ndvta  ("bride,"  from  ndvus). 

(4)  Instead  of  pluere  and  pltivia  people  said  pldvere  (used  by  Petronius 
and  others)  and  *pldja:  Lat.  Spr.  468.    Cf.  §§  169,  217. 


88 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  210 


b.  DIPHTHONGS. 

209.  JEl  was  originally  written  and  pronounced  ai^  but 
through  the  mutual  attraction  of  its  two  parts  it  became 
later  e:  ccecus^  c(Blum^  qucero. 

In  certain  words  a  vulgar  and  dialect  pronunciation  e,  com- 
mon to  Volscian  and  Faliscan  (Hammer  7,  8),  came  into 
general  use:  fmum,  preda,  sepes,  septum,  seta.  Cf.  S.  166-168, 
188;  Carnoy  79—80.  For  fenum  fcEnum,  preda  prceda,  sepes 
scepes  both  forms  were  preserved.  Hence,  by  analogy,  such 
spellings  as  fcBcit,  etc.,  S.  190.  Cf.  Neumann  13  (and  Fort- 
setzung  21-22,)'  fcemina,  quiceti,  etc. 

210.  The  regular  change  of  ^  to  ^  took  place  largely  in 
Republican  times  in  unaccented  syllables;  in  stressed  sylla- 
bles in  the  first  century  of  our  era  and  later.  E  for  ce  in 
dative  endings  occurs  early:  Corssen  I,  687  ff.  About  the 
middle  of  the  first  century  b.  c,  when  Varro  cited  edus  for 
hcedus  as  a  rural  form,  stressed  cb  was  probably  still  a  diph- 
thong in  the  city  but  had  become  e  in  rustic  Latium;  some 
hundred  years  later  ^  came  into  the  city  and  pervaded  the 
provinces:  Lat.  Spr.  465.  Terentius  Scaurus,  in  the  first  cen- 
tury, says  that  ce  represents  the  sound  better  than  ai:  S.  224. 
E  is  found  early  in  Campania,  especially  in  Pompeii  {presta, 
etc.):  S.  225.  In  Spanish  inscriptions  e  occurs  from  the  first 
century  on  (Carnoy  78):  questus  (2d  century),  etc.,  Carnoy 
69-84.  It  was  probably  general  everywhere  by  the  second 
century:  Einf.  §  78.  Pompeius  blames  the  confusion  of  cequus 
and  equus:  S.  178.  The  spelling  e  for  ce  was  usual  in  unac- 
cented syllables  (as  sancte)  before  the  third  century,  in  stressed 
syllables  (as  questor)  from  the  fourth  century  on;  it  may  be 
called  regular  by  the  fifth  century:  S.  178,  225.    Cf.  Bechtel 


§  212]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


89 


75-76:  cedat^  grece,  etc.  Conversely  ce  was  often  erroneously- 
used  for  e  (S.  183-184)  and  for  Greek  17  (as  sccenam,  Lex- 
ique  104). 

au 

211.  Aji^  pronounced  dii^  generally  remained  in  Vulgar 
Latin:  aura^  gaudium,  taicrus.    In  Rumanian  and  Provencal 
it  was  preserved  as  au^  in  Portuguese  as  ou;  its  existence  in  // 
the  earliest  stage  of  French  is  proved  by  the  treatment  of  c  in  V 
causa  >  chose;  in  Italian  and  Spanish  it  did  not  become  0^  until 
original  q  had  broken  into  no  or  uc. 

(1)  The  spellings  Cladhis,  Glaciis,  Scams,  etc.,  with  a  for  au  when 
there  is  an  n  in  the  next  syllable,  are  pretty  common  in  various  countries: 
S.  223;  Carnoy  86-95.  Perhaps  they  represent  a  provincial  pronuncia- 
tion, or  possibly  they  are  only  orthographic. 

(2)  Cliido  for  claudo  is  common,  coming  through  derivatives,  such  as 
occliido:  Vok.  II,  304;  Carnoy  lOO  (cludo  in  two  Sp.  inscriptions  of  the 
ist  and  2d  centuries);  Bayard  6.    Cf.  Carnoy  85-86  {clusa,  etc.). 

212.  Umbrian  and  Faliscan  had  0  in  place  of  Latin  au: 
Hammer  4-5,  8.  So,  in  general,  the  dialects  of  northern  and 
central  Italy :  Chronologic  There  are  some  examples 
in  Pompeii,  in  Oscan  territory,  where  au  was  normally  pre- 
served; this  pronunciation  was  used  also  in  the  country  around 
Rome,  and  in  the  first  and  second  centuries  b.c.  crept  into 
the  city,  where  it  was  used  by  the  lower  classes:  Laf.  Spr. 
465-466.  In  Umbrian  inscriptions  we  hnd  toru,  etc.:  Ham- 
mer 4.  In  Latin,  Clodius  and  Flatus  are  common  in  first 
century  inscriptions:  Carnoy  85,  Pirson  27.  Closa^  etc.,  occur 
in  the  second  century:  Carnoy  85. 

The  grammarians — Probus,  Diomedes,  Festus,  and  others 
—  speak  of  a  rustic  or  archaic  0  for  au :  Corssen  I,  655-663; 
Vok.  II,  301  ff.;  S.  162-164;  Hammer  15-19.  Festus  cites 
orum;  Priscian,  cotes^  ostruvi^  plostrum  :  Carnoy  95.  Cf.  App, 
Pr,j  ^^auris  non  oricla'\-  R.  464,  coda^  orata^  orum. 


90 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§2l6 


Conversely,  au  was  occasionally  used  for  d  {Chronologie 
i6o):  Festus,  ausculum;  Marius  Victorinus,  sorex^€isaurex.''^ 
Cf.  ^  aucidere  for  occldere^  postulated  by  some  Romance  forms. 

213.  This  rustic  and  vulgar  ^, — which  was  pronounced  0^ 
while  the  Romance  0  from  au  was  ^,  —  was  generally  adopted 
in  Vulgar  Latin  in  a  few  words:  coda;  foces;  ^ dt  (cf.  Umbrian 
ote^  iia.mmer  4.)=  auf;  J>/ddere.  Cf.  Classic  fauces,  suffoco; 
plaudo,  explddo;  si  audes,  sodes.  Cicero  used  loreola,  oricla, 
plodoy  pollulum:  Carnoy  95.  Ola,  codex,  coles  =  caulis,  lotusy 
plotus  occur  also. 

eu 

214.  Eu,  pronounced  e'u  (as  in  ceu,  eu,  Europa,  eurus,  eheuy 
heu,  neu,  neuter,  seu),  was  not  preserved  in  any  popular  words. 
Cf.  S.  228. 

ce 

215.  CE  was  originally  written  and  pronounced  oi,  but 
through  the  mutual  attraction  of  its  two  parts  it  became 
presumably  0,  later  e:  coepi,  poena,  poenitet.  It  may  be  that 
the  intermediate  stage  is  reflected  by  the  spelling  phyeb^  for 
jPhcebe,  S.  227. 

E  is  attested  by  inscriptions  in  the  first  century  of  our  era: 
ieperiftt,  Carnoy  84;  Phebus,  C.  I.  L.  IV,  1890;  etc.  Cf.  S.  227, 
Lat.  Spr.  464.  In  the  Per.  we  find  amenus,  cepi,  etc.,  Bechtel  76. 
The  confusion  of  oe  and  e  is  mentioned  by  late  grammarians: 
S.  227.  In  late  Latin  a  bad  spelling,  ce,  for  ce.  and  e,  became 
popular:  coecus,  coelum,  coementa,  foemi7ia,  fcenum,  moerore^  mos' 
stus, posnates.    Cf.  S.  228;  Vok.  II,  293 ff. 

ui 

216.  Ui,  pronounced  ui,  was  preserved:  cHi,  hHiCt  ilWi 
For  the  development  of  fui,  see  §  431. 


§219]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


9^ 


c.  INFLUENCE  OF  LABIALS. 

217.  According  to  some  philologists,  a  following  labial 
tends  to  open  a  vowel:  colubra^''^ colobra^ fiuviiim':^* flovium, 
juvenis'^*JoveniSy  mobilis'^*  mo^bilis^  ovum^*  ovum  ^  plu  ere 
plovere^  etc.  A  general  influence  of  this  kind  can  hardly  be 
regarded  as  proved  for  any  combination  except  ou^  which 
became  ou:  see  §  167. 

S.  Fieri,  La  vocal  to?iica  alterata  dal  contatto  d^una  consonante 
labiate  in  Archivio  glottologico  italiano  XV,  457,  maintains 
that  f,  f,  0^  u  were  lowered  one  stage — to  f,  ^,  q — by  a  pre- 
ceding or  following  labial,  even  if  it  was  separated  from  the 
vowel  by  a  liquid.  Although  many  examples  are  cited,  the 
evidence  is  not  convincing.  For  a  criticism  of  the  theory, 
see  G.  Ascoli,  Osservazioni  al  precedeiite  lavoro,  ibid.,  p.  476. 
The  discussion  is  continued  by  Fieri,  La  vocal  tonka  alterata 
da  una  consonante  labiate  in  Zs.  XXVII,  579. 

d.  CLERICAL  LATIN. 

218.  In  clerical  Latin  the  vowels  were  probably  pronounced 
for  the  most  part  as  in  vulgar  speech,  until  the  reforms  of 
Charlemagne.  After  that,  in  general,  a  =  a^  ^=  fj  ^  =  f>  o  —  Oy 
uzzzu  (or  w),  ce  and  a.'  =  ^,  au  —  q  or  au. 

2.  UNACCENTED  VOWELS. 

N.  B.  —  For  secondary  stress,  see  §§  153-155. 

219.  Among  unstressed  vowels,  those  of  the  first  syllable 
had  most  resistance,  possibly  through  a  lingering  influence  of 
the  Old  Latin  accent:  cf.  §  134. 

The  vowels  of  the  final  syllable  lost  much  of  their  distinct- 
ness, but  did  not  fall,  except  sporadically,  until  long  after  the 
Vulgar  Latin  period,  and  then  only  in  a  part  of  the  Empire. 


92 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


Grammarians  testify  to  the  confusion  of  o  and  u:  S.  2 1 2.  Quase, 
sibe  are  found  in  place  of  quasi,  sibi:  S.  199-200.  According 
to  Quintilian  I,  iv,  7,  "in  here  neque  e  plane  nequi  /  auditur." 

Weakest  were  medial  vowels  immediately  following  the 
secondary  or  the  primary  stress.  In  early  Latin  there  was 
an  inclination  to  syncope:  ar{i)ddrem,  av{i)dere,  bdl{i)neum, 
cal{e)fdcere,  Jur{i)go,  etc.  This  tendency  continued,  in  mod- 
eration, in  Classic  and  Vulgar  Latin:  cal{i)dus,  dc{u)lus, 
frig{i)daria,  vtr{i)dis,  etc.  In  inscriptions  we  find  such 
forms  as  mfri^  vetranus :  S.  251. 

For  the  confusion  of  unaccented  e  and  see  Pirson,  30-36, 
47-48;  for  0  and  see  Pirson  41-47.  Fredegarius  is  very 
uncertain  in  his  use  of  unstressed  vowels:  Haag  15-24. 

220.  U  was  employed  only  before  labials,  in  unaccented 
syllables:  cf.  S.  196-198,  203-208;  Lindsay  25-26,  35;  Franz.  9 
I,  21-24.  During  the  Classic  period  it  generally  became  i: 
deciimus^  decimus,  maxumus  >  maximus,  pontufex  > pontifex, 
quodlubet^  quodlibet,  etc.;  cf.  Lat,  Spr.  466.  In  Spanish  in- 
scriptions we  find  maximus,  etc.,  spelled  both  with  u  and  with  i: 
Carnoy  65-69. 

Sumus,  being  sometimes  accented,  developed  two  forms, 
sumus  and  stmus.  The  former  was  the  one  generally  adopted 
in  Classic  Latin,  but  stmus  was  favored  by  Augustus  and  by 
some  purists  of  his  time  (Lindsay  29).  According  to  Marius 
Victorinus  (Keil  VI,  9),  "Messala,  Brutus,  Agrippa  pro  sumus 
simus  scripserunt."  In  the  vulgar  speech  stmus  seems  to  have 
prevailed  in  Italy  and  southern  Gaul.    Cf.  §  419,  (i). 

221.  In  general  Latin  quantity  did  not  sensibly  affect  the 
quality  of  unstressed  vowels,  except  in  initial  syllables,  and 
even  there  the  difference  must  have  been  small.  In  final 
syllables,  however,  i  was  certainly  distinct  from  t:  sentlSy 


§  224]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


93 


sentit  >  It.  senti^  sente;  fed,  fecit  >  Pr.  fis,  fes.  In  sibi,  tibi 
the  final  vowel  was  sometimes  long,  sometimes  short. 

a.  UNACCENTED  VOWELS  IN  HIATUS. 

222.  /and  u  followed  by  a  vowel  and  beginning  a  syllable 
were  apparently  pronounced  as  consonants  from  the  earliest 
times.  Quintilian  says  that  ti  and  i  in  uos  and  iam  are 
not  vowels:  S.  232.  Quintilian  and  Velius  Longus  cite  the 
spellings  Aiiax,  aiio,  Maiiam  as  approved  by  Cicero:  S.  236. 
Bonnet  notes  that  a,  not  ab,  is  used  before  Joseph,  Judms, 
etc.  These,  then,  will  be  treated  as  consonants,  and  will  be 
left  out  of  consideration  in  the  present  chapter. 

223.  After  gutturals,  11  followed  by  a  vowel  was  originally 
a  vowel  itself,  but  lost  its  syllabic  value  in  early  Classic  times: 
acua  >  aqua,  distinguere  >  distingiiere.  So  it  was  in  qualis^ 
qucero,  quern,  qui.  In  Greek  transliterations  kv  for  qui  (as  in 
aKvAa?)  is  very  common:  Eckinger  123-125;  cf.  §187. 

In  perfects,  however,  such  as  iiocuit,  placuit,  the  u  was  ap- 
parently not  reduced  to  a  semivowel  until  the  end  of  the 
Classic  period. 

In  some  other  words  the  syllabic  value  of  u  was  kept,  at 
least  in  theory,  rather  late:  Velius  Longus  distinguishes  aquam 
from  acuam,  S.  234;  App.  Pr.,  vacua  non  vaqua,^^  ^^vacui  non 
vaqui.^^ 

224.  Otherwise,  e,  i,  and  //  in  hiatus  with  following  vowels 
lost  their  syllabic  value  probably  by  the  first  century  of  our 
era,  and  sporadically  earlier.  Occasional  examples  (such  as 
dorm io,  facias,  JluvioniDi^  are  found  in  Ennius,  Plautus,  Lu- 
cilius,  Lucretius,  Horace,  Virgil,  Ovid,  Juvenal,  and  Seneca: 
e.g.,  deorsum  in  Lucretius;  vindemiatoriw  Horace;  abiete,  abieti- 
bus  in  Virgil.    Italia  counts  as  three  syllables  in  poets  of  the 


94 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  225 


early  Empire.  Cf.  S.  232.  Valerius  Probus  has  parietibus: 
^^don  208.  Consentius  declares  that  trisyllabic  soluit  and 
four-syllable  induruit  are  barbarisms ;  Caesellius  is  undecided 
whether  tenuis  has  three  syllables  or  two:  S.  234.  Suavis, 
however,  was  used  as  a  trisyllable  by  Sedulius  in  the  fifth 
century;  it  was  probably  a  semi-learned  word,  as  it  became 
soef  in  French,  soave  in  Italian. 

The  pronunciation  u  was  probably  regular  in  popular 
speech  by  the  first  century  or  before ;  by  the  third  century, 
with  a  narrowing  of  the  mouth-passage,  the  semivowels  pre- 
sumably developed  into  the  fricative  consonants  y  and  w:  S. 
231-232.    So  alea"^  alea'^alja,  films'^  films'^  filjusj  sapui 

sapui"^  sapwi.  In  the  same  way  fiUolus'^filjolus  (§136), 
tenueram  tknweram  (§137);  likewise  eccu' hie  ^  *  eccwiCy 
eccu^ista^* ecwista  (§65),  etc.  We  have,  then,  in  late  Latin, 
a  new  7  and  a  new  w. 

Hence  arises,  in  late  Latin  spelling,  a  great  confusion  of  e 
and  i  in  hiatus:  capriolvs  (cf.  §136),  S.  187;  Caper,  "non 
iamus  sed  eamus^^  sobrius  per  i  non  per  e  scribendum," 
Keil  VII,  106,  103;  aleum^  calcius^  cavia,  coclia,  fasiolus,  lancia^ 
lintium^  7ioxeus^  solia,  vinia^  App.  Pr.;  abias^  abiat^  exiat^ 
Lauriatus^  valiat,  Audollent  535;  palleum^  etc.,  R.  463;  cal- 
ciare,  liniamenta^  Bayard  4;  eacit  {—j'acet),  earn  i^—jam)^  Vok. 
II,  43;  cf.  Carnoy  33-35. 

225.  But  the  combinations  ej^  ie,  00,  ud  developed  differently, 
ee  and  apparently  being  contracted  into  00  and  ud  into  0, 
at  an  early  date:  arutem  {%it,6)>  are  tern  (Varro,  ^^ares 
veteres  pro  dixisse":  Carnoy  43);  *  de-cxcito':>'^  dexci/o^ 
It.  desto;  faciebam^^facebam;  mulierem  (§  136)  >  mul'erem, 
the  i  remaining  long  enough  to  palatalize  the  /  (the  Romance 
e  was  doubtless  a  later  analogical  development);  parletes 
[^iZ^)>pareteSy   C.  I.  L.  VI,  3714  (Rome);  prehendere:^ 


§  227]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  95 


prmdcre^  then  *prendcre  through  the  analogy  of  reddere  and 
perhaps  also  of  ascaidere^  defendere^  pendere^  thidere ;  quietus'^ 
quetus,  common  in  late  inscriptions,  Pirson  57  (cf.  requebit^ 
Carnoy  43);  — cohdrtem'^  cortem ;  cddperire'P'  coperire^  then 
^  cdpcnre  *  copWire  through  the  analogy  of  cd-  and  perhaps  also 
of  opera,  opus;  duodecimo  do  dccim  (Pirson  58:  dodece). 

226.  Furthermore,  u  after  all  consonants  fell  before  un- 
accented u  probably  by  the  middle  of  the  first  century,  before 
unaccented  0  by  the  second  century:  antiquus anticus ; 
carduus'^  cardus ;  coquus'^  cociis  {App.  Fr,,     coqui  non  cociy^ 

coqus  non  cocus";  cf.  S.  351);  distinguunf^  distzngimt  (ac- 
cording to  Velius  Longus,  some  writers  use  no  u  in  distinguere^ 
^^don  130);  equus  >  ecus  {App.  Pr.,  ^^equs  non  ecus  "/  cf.  Velius 
Longus,  S.  217);  innocuus  >  innocus,  Koff mane  1 1 1 ;  md?'tuus^ 
mortus;  suus  >  sus,  tuuvi  >  turn,  Carnoy  117;  —  hattuo  >  batto 
(cf.  abattas,  GL  Reich.);  coquc^  coco  {App.  Fr.,  coquens  non 
cocens''^;  hence  * cocina)\  quat{t')uor'^  quattor  218)  quator 
(Pirson  58)  quatro  (7th  century,  Carnoy  221);  quoi{t)ldie'> 
cottldie,  S.  352;  stinguo  sti7igo ;  ti?iguo  ^  tingo  (Caper, 
guere  .  .  .  non  tingere,'^  Keil  VII,  106);  torqueo^* torquo^ 
*tdrco;  unguo'^  imgo  {ungo,  unguiitur,  ufigi,  Bayard  7;  Caper, 
^^ujigue  non  unge,''  Keil  VII,  105;  uncis  —  unguis,  Audollent 
536).  So  apparently  aruum'^* arum,  eruum^erum  {Lat.  Spr. 
472:  ero).  Viduus,  however,  doubtless  under  the  influence  of 
the  commoner  vidua,  kept  its  u:  Old  Fr.  vef. 

After  gutturals,  u  fell  before  stressed  u  and  0:  quum^  cum; 
quomodo^  comodo,  Audollent  536.    See  §354. 

U  often  fell  irregularly  in  co?iti?i[u)ari,  Febr{u)ariuSf 
Jan{u)arius :  Vok.  II,  468-469;  S.  217-218. 

227.  Similarly,  i  after  a  consonant  fell  before  unaccented  i: 
audit     audi,  consilii^  consilt,  ministerii>  ministert.  Velius 


96 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§  229 


Longus  found  it  necessary  to  say  that  Claudii^  Cornelii^  Julii, 
etc.,  should  be  spelled  with  double  i:  Keil  VII,  57. 

Some  late  words,  however,  kept  -u  and  -us:  Dionysii^lt. 
Dionigi,  Parisiis  >  It.  Parigi. 

b.  INITIAL  SYLLABLE. 

228.  As  far  as  one  can  judge  from  spellings  and  subsequent 
developments,  a  was  pronounced  a;  ce^  I,  oe  all  came  to  be 
sounded  e;  i  remained  //  0  and  u  were  finally  all  pronounced 
0  or  u;  0  remained  g;  au  became  a  if  there  was  an  accented 
u  in  the  next  syllable,  but  otherwise  remained  unchanged  (cf. 
Lat.  Spr,  470):  rddtceniy  vdlere;  (stdtem^  debere,  tenere,  videre^ 
fceddre;  rldemusy  dvttdtem,  hlbernus;  pldrdre^  frumentum^ 
subinde;  colorem^  ddlere,  movetis;  A{^u)gustuSy  A(^u)rundy 
a{u)scultOy  audere,  gaudere^  naufragium.  For  the  confusion  of 
e  and  see  Audollent  535,  Carnoy  17-33,  i35-i3^'  Cf. 
cecclesia^  Bechtel  76;  ^'■senatus  non  sinatus^^^  ^PP'  ^^-i  golosus 
gylosus  {tor  guldsus)^  Koffmane  no;  moniti  (for  muniti)^  Bon, 
136.  Agustus  is  frequent  from  the  second  century  on,  S.  223 
(cf.  agusiasy  Pirson  26);  Arunci  occurs  in  manuscripts  of 
Virgil;  Caper  says  '•^ausculta  non  asculta^^^  S.  223;  *agurium 
must  have  existed  also. 

229.  In  a  few  words  the  vowel  of  the  initial  syllable  was 
lost  before  an  r:  ^corrotulare^^c'roflare;  direcius  generally 
d^rectus  {Vok.  lly  /\.22:  drictus)\  quiritare';:>*c^ritare.  Jejunus 
after  prefixes  lost  its  first  syllable:  * dis-junare. 

Some  minor  peculiarities  are  to  be  noted:  — 

(1)  A  after  /  apparently  tended  to  become  e:  Old  Latin  jajiinus'^ 
Classic  jejunus  (the  original  a  seems  to  be  preserved  in  some  Italian 
dialect  forms) ;  Classic  Jamiarius  Jemiaritis  (common  in  inscriptions, 
S.  171-172,  Lat.  Spr.  470) ;  Classic  janua  >■  *jenua  >  Sardinian 

(2)  long  or  short,  is  very  often  replaced  by  i  in  Gallic  inscriptions 
[Lat,  Spr.  470):  divotay  mimoricBy  etc.;  dilevit,  Bon.  109;   cf.  Vok,  I, 


§  230]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


97 


422-424.  This  perhaps  indicates  a  close  pronunciation :  cf,  §  198.  Di-  for 
de-y  possibly  through  confusion  with  dis-,  is  common  in  Gregory  the 
Great:  dirivarCy  etc.  According  to  Mohl,  Lexique  105-108,  e  became  i  in 
southern  Italy  from  the  fourth  to  the  sixth  century:  rivocaverit,  etc. 
A  form  7ii  for  tie  is  found  from  early  times :  Pirson  3. 

(3)  /  was  occasionally  assimilated  to  a  following  accented  a  ':  gigdiitem 
'^*jagante'^  Old  Yx.  jaiant,  Vx.Jaian,  Old  Genoese  zagante ;  stlvdticus^ 
salvaticus  {Gl.  Ketch.,  cf.  Lat.  Spr.  470)  >■  Old  Fr.  salvage,  It.  salvatico, 
Rum.  sdlbatec.    Cf.  Einf,  §111. 

(4)  /tended  to  become  e,  by  dissimilation,  if  there  was  an  accented  i  in 
the  next  syllable:^  dtvtdere^  * devtdere ;  divtnus^  devimis,  in  fourth 
century  inscriptions,  Lexique  122;  ftmre'^fenire,  in  manuscripts  and 
inscriptions,  Lexiqiie  123;  vtcimis'^  vecimis,  attested  by  Servius,  Lexiqiie 
104  £f.  St,  in  late  Latin,  sometimes  became  se,  attested  from  the  sixth 
century  on  {Vok.  II,  87;  Lexiqtie  120;  Franz.  ?  II,  224^.;  Bon.  126; 
Haag  II ;  cf.  nise,  C.  I.  L.  I,  205);  in  very  late  texts  there  is  frequent  con- 
fusion of  si  and  sed  {Franz.  ^11,  225,  234-235) ;  the  e  is  perhaps  due  to  the 
analogy  of  *que  <  qtnd  =  quod  (cf.  §§  69,  82),  cf.  Italian  sed  on  the  model 
of  ched:  si  is  preserved  in  French,  Proven9al,  and  Spanish,  se  in  Portu- 
guese, Old  French,  Italian,  and  Old  Rumanian.  In  mirabtlia  the  I  ap- 
parently became  e  and  a. 

(5)  0  was  kept  by  analogy  in  many  words:  dUrare,  miirare,  miitare, 
nutrire  (beside  *nqtrire).  Junipcrus'^  jeniperus  {Lat.  Spr.  470)  and  j'ini- 
perus  {A pp.  Fr.). 

(6)  O  appears  as  u  in  furmica  {App.  Fr.,  cf.  Rom.  XXXV,  pntator 
{Bon.  127),  turreftte  (Bon.  131).  O  is  changed  to  e  in  rettindus  {Vok.  II, 
213;  cf.  Vitruvius,  retundatio,  Lat.  Spr.  470),  through  the  influence  of  the 
prefix  re-;  also  sometimes  in  serore  {Lat.  Spr.  470;  cf.  serori,  seroribus, 
Carnoy  107). 

(7)  An  in  vulgar  speech  was  often  replaced  by  o  (cf.  §§  212,  213): 
oricla,  App.  Fr.,  Pirson  27;  so  "^ot  (for  aut:  cf.  Umbrian  ote,  Lindsay  40), 
which  prevailed  in  Vulgar  Latin. 

230.  S  before  a  consonant  was  doubtless  long  and  sharp, 
as  in  modern  Italian,  so  that  at  the  beginning  of  a  word  it  had 
a  syllabic  effect  —  s-chola.  This  led  to  the  prefixing  of  a 
front  vowel  (until  the  seventh  century  nearly  always  an  /,  later 

^  Mohl's  view,  Lexique  122-126,  is  that  original  Latin  ei,  if  t  followed,  became  e 
instead  of  i. 


98 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  231 


often  e)  to  the  s  when  no  vowel  preceded  —  in  i-schola.  This  i 
or  e  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  regular  part  of  the  word.  The 
prosthetic  vowel  occurs  first  in  Greek  inscriptions.  The 
earliest  Latin  example  is  probably  iscolasticus,  written  in 
Barcelona  in  the  second  century;  it  is  found  repeatedly,  though 
not  frequently,  in  the  third  century  (Carnoy  1 14-1 16);  in  the 
fourth  and  fifth  it  is  very  common:  espiritum^  isckola,  iscfipta^ 
isperabi,  ispose^  istatuam^  isitidio,  S.  317  ;  isma?'agdus,  Pirson  60; 
estaiio,  Estephafius^  iscola,  is  tare,  R.  467.  Grammarians  took 
no  note  of  it  until  St.  Isidore,  in  the  seventh  century.  But  in 
late  Latin  texts  ab  rather  than  a  was  used  before  words  be- 
ginning with  sc,  sp,  st:  ab  scandalo,  Dubois  171;  ab  sceleribuSy 
Bon,  445;  cf.  Dubois  1 71-17  2,  Bon.  445-446. 

The  es-,  is-  thus  produced  was  confounded  with  ex-,  exs^ 
(pronounced  es-)  and  ins-,  his-  (pronounced  is-):  explendido, 
splorator,  instruo  for  struo,  Spania,  etc.,  S.  317;  hispatii  for 
spatii,  Bechtel  78;  spiratio  for  inspiratio,  Koffmane  109; 
scalciare  for  excalceai'e,  scoriare  for  excoriare,  spandere  for  ex- 
pandere,  Spania,  Spanus,  siantia  for  instantia,  strumentum,  etc., 
R.  469-470;  spedaiite  for  expectante,  etc.,  Bon.  148.  Cf.  Vok, 
II,  365  ff-;  S.  316-319;  Pirson  59-60. 

c.  INTERTONIC  SYLLABLE. 

N.  B. —  By  this  term  is  meant  the  syllable  following  the  secondary  and  preceding 
the  primary  stress. 

231.  Vowels  SO  situated  probably  became  more  and  more 
indistinct  towards  the  end  of  the  Empire,  and  occasionally 
disappeared.  In  some  regions  they  began  to  fall  regularly 
before  the  close  of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period,  but  a  was  gen- 
erally kept:  bdn(^i)tdtem,  cap {i) talis,  cd?'?\i)cdre,  cerebellum, 
civ{i)tdtem,  cdll(^o)cd7'e,  cdmpardre  cdmperdre,  del{i)cdtus,  du- 
b{i)tdre,  elementum  elimentum,  frtgiddria  frigddria,  mtrabtlia. 


§  233]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  99 

sdcr amentum^  separdre  seperdre^  verecundia.  Frigdaria  occurs 
in  the  second  century  b.  c.  :  Franz,  pi,  12.  Cf.  dedcavit,  Pir- 
son  52;  vetranus,  Pirson  51;  cornare  for  coro7iare^  Koffmane 
iii;  stablarius^  R.  467.  The  fall  of  the  vowel  of  course  dis- 
turbed the  Vulgar  Latin  rhythm:  see  §  153.  Cf.  F.  Neumann 
in  Zs.  XIV,  559. 

Mimsferium  apparently  became  tninsterium  early  enough  for 
the  n  to  fall  before  the  s:  see  §  171.    Cf.  Substrate  IV,  116. 

d.  PENULT. 

232.  The  Vulgar  Latin  rhythmic  principle  tended  to  oblit- 
erate one  of  the  two  post-tonic  syllables  of  proparoxytones. 
The  penult,  being  next  to  the  accent,  was  weaker  and  more 
exposed  to  syncope.  We  find  in  late  Latin  much  confusion 
of  e  and  i:  anemis,  meretis^  etc.,  Neumann  22;  dixemus,  etc., 
Bon.  118.  Likewise  0  and  u:  ambolare,  etc.,  R.  464;  insolay 
etc.,  Bon.  131-135;  cf.  Sepulcri  201-202. 

The  treatment  of  this  vowel,  however,  was  apparently  very 
inconsistent  in  Vulgar  Latin,  and  the  conditions  differed 
widely  in  different  regions.  There  was  probably  a  conflict 
between  cultivated  and  popular  pronunciation,  both  types 
often  being  preserved  in  the  Romance  languages:  thus  while 
the  literary  and  official  world  said  {h)dmmes  (>  It.  uomini), 
the  uneducated  pronounced  'dm' ties  (>Pr.  omne)\  similarly  • 
beside  socerum  there  was  socrum. 

As  far  as  the  general  phenomena  can  be  classified,  we  may 
say  that  in  popular  words  in  common  speech  the  vowel  of  the 
penult  tended  to  fall  under  the  following  conditions:  — 

(i)  Between  any  Consonant  and  a  Liquid. 
233*  A  vowel  preceded  by  a  consonant  and  followed  by  a 
liquid  weakened  and  fell  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  Vulgar 


loo  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         (;§  235 

Latin  period:  altra;  afiglus;  aspra;  dedro  for  diderunt^  Lex- 
ique  63;  fecrunt fecru,  Lexiqiie  64;  ins{u)la;  juglus ;  mamplus; 
socroy  Pirson  51.  In  some  words  we  find  a  weakened  to  e: 
citera,  App.  Pr.;  hilerus^  Carnoy  12;  Cceseris^  compera^  seperat 
(about  500  A.  D.),  Vok.  I,  195-196;  Eseram  for  Isaram, 
Bon.  96.  For  a  vowel  between  a  labial  and  a  liquid,  see 
(2)  below. 

But  if  the  first  consonant  was  a  palatal,  the  vowel  seems  to 
have  been  kept,  at  any  rate  in  some  regions:  bdjulus^  frdgilis, 
gracilis,  virginem.  In  vigilaf^^ viglat  the  vowel  fell  before 
the  ^  began  to  be  palatalized  (so  apparently  in  digitiiin':>  dic- 
tum, Franz.  9  I,  \         frigidus^frigdus,  App.  Fr.^.  Cf.  §  259. 

234.  Latin  originally  had  the  two  diminutive  endings  -clus 
("C-llo),  as  in  scecluni,  and  —cuius  (^<i-co-lo),  as  in  auricula. 
These  were  kept  distinct  by  Plautus.  Later  they  were  con- 
fused, both  becoming  -cuius  in  Classic  Latin,  both  -clus  in 
vulgar  speech:  arHc(^u)lus,  bdc{u)lus,  mdsc{u)lus,  6c{u)lus, 
spec(^u)lum,  ver9idc{u)lus,  7'tc{u)lus.  Oclus  and  some  others 
occur  in  Petronius:  see  W.  Heraeus,  Fie  Sprache  des  Fetronius 
und  die  Glossen,  1899;  oi.  peduclum,  Waters  Ch.  57.  Many  ex- 
amples are  found  in  inscriptions:  oclos,  scaplas,  Audollent  538; 
aunclus,  felicla,  masclus,  Pirson  49-50.    Cf.  Franz.  9  I,  16-18. 

To  -clus  was  assimilated  in  popular  Latin  the  ending 
—tulus:  capitulus^^ capiclus ;  fistula'^^ fiscla ;  vttulus^veclus, 
App.  Fr.  (cf.  villus,  Pirson  51).  But  a  few  words,  which  must 
have  been  slow  in  entering  the  common  vocabulary,  escaped 
this  absorption:  crustulum  ^  crustlum  (found  in  18  a.  d.); 
spatula^^ spatla.    Cf.  §  284. 

(2)  Between  a  Labial  and  any  Consonant. 
^35.  A  vowel  preceded  by  a  labial  and  followed  by  a  con- 
sonant was  inclined  to  fall  early:  bublus;  cdm{i)tem;  computus; 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


lOI 


deb{i)tum ;  ddm{i)?ius ;  fib{u)la;  pdp{ti)lus;  sablum;  trt- 
b{u)/a;  vdpulo  baplo.  In  d6vi(^i)nus  the  vm  form  may  be 
the  older:  domni,  Pirson  50;  domnus  in  St.  Augustine,  Koff- 
mane  109;  domnicus^  R.  467;  dovmulus^  Koffmane  iii. 
Lamna  occurs  in  Horace  and  Vitruvius,  Fra?iz.  pi,  13. 
Petronius  has  bubluvi,  Waters  Ch.  44,  offla,  Waters  Ch.  56. 
a.  Jib  la,  pop  I  US,  sab/i{??i,  etc.,  in  R.  467. 

In  some  words,  however,  the  vowel  was  kept,  either  every- 
where or  in  a  large  region:  drbi^o^revi;  ham u la;  /idm(^i)nes ; 
juv(^e)nis;  nebula;  ireviulat. 

236.  When  ab  or  av  was  brought  next  to  a  consonant  by 
the  fall  of  a  following  vowel,  it  generally  became  au,  but 
often  there  were  double  forms;  the  process  began  very  early: 
* dvica"^  auca,  found  in  glosses;  dvidus>  audus,  Plautus  (cf. 
avunculus^  auficulus,  Plautus);  *  cldvido'>  claudo  (cf.  *  navi- 
fragus'^  Jiaufragus)  ;  /dbula^'^faula  */abla;  gdbafa"^* gauia 
*gabta;  * ndvitaf^* nautat ;  pardbula"^* paraula  *parabla; 
tabula"^*  taula  *  labia.    Cf.  Franz,  pi,  12. 

(3)  Between  a  Liquid  and  any  Consonant. 

237.  A  vowel  preceded  by  a  liquid  and  followed  by  a  con- 
sonant was  subject  to  syncope  at  all  periods:  ardus,  Plautus; 
caldus,  Plautus,  Cato,  Varro,  Petronius;  cdl{a)phus  {ct  per- 
colopabat.  Waters  Ch.  44;  colpus,  Gl.  Fetch.)  \  fulica  fulca, 
Franz,  pi,  13;  lardu?n,  Ovid,  Martial,  Juvenal,  Pliny;  vicrto, 
Pirson  51,  Franz,  pi,  15;  soldus,  Caesar,  Horace,  Varro;  valde; 
virdis,  App.  Fr.  (cf.  virdiaria,  Vegetius,  4th  century).  Cf. 
Franz,  p  1,  1 2  fT. 

(4)  Miscellaneous. 

238.  In  some  words  the  vowel  fell  under  different  condi- 
tions: digituvi^  dictum,  Fratiz.  p  I,  15-16  (cf.  §  233)  ;  fngidus 


102 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  241 


-p-frigdus  (cf.  §  233),  App.  Pr.  (fricda),  Pompeii  (fridam); 
maxima^  masma,  2d  century,  Suchier  732;  nitidus^^ nittus^ 
puHdus';>^puttus,  probably  late;  postus,  Lucretius,  Pirson  50, 
Franz.  9  I,  13-14  {ci.  posturus,  Cato). 

239.  In  the  transition  from  Vulgar  Latin  to  the  Romance 
languages  the  vowels  in  classes  (i),  (2),  (3),  —  in  so  far  as 
they  had  not  fallen  already, — were  syncopated  with  some 
regularity;  and  a  number  of  vowels  otherwise  placed  fell 
under  different  conditions  in  various  regions:  ponere^^ponre^ 
to  Here  >  *  tolre;  femina  >  *femna^  habitus  >  *  abtus,  rdpidus  > 
^rapdus;  cdrrico';>*carco,  clericus'^^dercus^  collocaf^^^colcat; 
dec{i)mus^  frdx{^i)nus^  pers{i)ca,  sed(^e')cim.  Cf.  Gl.  Reich.: 
carcatus,  culicet  ciilcet  —  colldcat. 

In  a  part  of  Gaul  dmita^^ anta^  debita^^depta^  dominica'^ 
^ dominca^  mdnica^^ manca^  semita^*se7ita.  Some  of  these 
shortened  forms  were  used  in  other  regions. 

A  vowel  preceded  by  ^  or  /  and  followed  by  c  seems  to 
have  remained  longer  than  most  other  vowels  that  fell  at  all; 
judicOy  medicus,  vidticum^  vindico^  etc. 

e.  FINAL  SYLLABLE. 

240.  The  vowels  regularly  remained  through  the  Vulgar 
Latin  period.  Later,  about  the  eighth  century,  they  gener- 
ally fell,  except  a  and  f,  in  Celtic,  Aquitanian,  and  Ligurian 
territory. 

241.  In  the  App.  Pr.  we  find  ^^avus  non  aus,''^  '■^flavus  non 
flaus^^^  ^^rivus  non  7'ius.^^  Aus  and  Jlaus  have  left  no  repre- 
sentatives, but  rius  is  evidently  the  ancestor  of  Italian  and 
Spanish  rio.  All  three  forms  are  probably  examples  of  a 
phonetic  reduction  that  affected  certain  regions. 

Through  a  large  part  of  the  Empire  -dvif>-aut:  tri- 
umphant is  found  in  Pompeii.    See  Morphology. 


§  244]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  103 

242.  Final  vowels,  as  in  modern  Italian,  must  have  been 
often  elided  or  syncopated  in  the  interior  of  a  phrase,  espe- 
cially e  after  liquids:  Caper,  '•'•bibere  non  biber^\  haber  in  an 
inscription;  conder^  prceber^  prcsdiscer^  tanger  in  manuscripts. 
See  Franz,  ^  I,  41.    So,  perhaps,  autumnal {e),  tribu7ial{e),  etc. 

The  App.  Fr.  has  ^^barba7'us  non  barbar^''  '•'■figulus  non  fge/,'' 
^'•masculus  non  mascel."  These  curious  forms  are  probably 
not  the  result  of  a  phonetic  development,  but  are  rather  due 
to  a  local  change  of  inflection,  which  left  no  trace  in  the 
Romance  languages.  Cf.  Old  Latin  facul  —  facilis^  famul  — 
famulus. 

243.  long  or  short,  was  naturally  pronounced  a;  cb, 
according  to  the  testimony  of  numerous  inscriptions  {Lat. 
Spr.  469),  were  all  probably  sounded  ^,  which  in  Sicily  be- 
came eventually  /'/  i  remained  i;  0  was  0^  which  became  w  in 
Sicily;  u  was  u.  In  some  localities  this  0  and  this  u  were 
kept  distinct,  but  generally  they  were  confounded  {Lat.  Spr. 
469).  Examples:  dmds,  dmdt;  sanctcs,  tristes,  trlstem^  tristls; 
feet,  bom,  sentts ;  bonds,  morior;  corpus,  fructu.  About  the 
eighth  century  a  probably  became  d  in  northern  Gaul. 

244.  The  changes  in  pronunciation  led  to  great  confusion 
in  spelling.  It  is  likely  that  final  vowels  were  especially  ob- 
scure in  Gaul  in  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries. 

Neumann  7-8  cites  ten  cases  of  e  for  a:  Italice,  etc. 

E  and  ce,  in  late  Latin,  were  not  usually  distinguished  (cf. 
§210):  apte  —  aptcE,  cotidice,  etc.,  Bechtel  75-76. 

E  and  /'  came  to  be  used  almost  indiscriminately.  Quintilian 
I,  vii,  says  that  Livy  wrote  sibe  and  quase;  in  I,  iv  and  I,  vii,  he 
describes  the  final  vowel  of  here  as  neither  quite  e  nor  quite  /. 
Cf.  mihe,  tibe,  etc.,  Lexique  118.  E  for  /  is  frequent  in  the 
dative  and  ablative,  Carnoy45:  luce,  dative;  uxore,  ablative. 


I04 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§  246 


Es  and  is  are  continually  interchanged:  Vok.  I,  244  ff.,  Ill, 
116;  mares  smarts,  etc.,  AudoUent  535;  Joannis^  etc.,  Neu- 
mann 11-13;  jaciSy  omnes  =  om7iis  (3d  century),  etc.,  Carnoy 
13-15;  regis  =  reges,  etc.  Bon.  iii;  omnes -znomnis^  etc.,  Bon. 
121.  So  et  and  Bechtel  88-89,  very  common  in  Per.;  fenify 
etc.,  Neumann  11-13;  posuet,  etc.,  Carnoy  13;  movit,  etc., 
Bon.  115;  Sepulcri  229-230. 

With  0  and  u  it  was  the  same.  In  Vok.  II,  91  ff.,  there  are 
61  examples  of  u  for  ablative  0  between  126  and  563  a.  d.,  as 
well  as  frequent  instances  of  ablative  in  um^  of  om  for  um^  os 
for  uSy  and  iis  for  ^7^-.  The  confusion  of  0  and  um  is  very 
common  in  Per.;  also  in  Gregory  the  Great,  Sepulcri  203-204; 
of.  Carnoy  48,  monume7ito —  monume7itum.  Bon.  131  has 
spoliatur  for  spoliator.  Os  and  us  were  interchanged  from  the 
third  century  on :  anus  —  aminos,  Carnoy  48 ;  bonus  =  bonosy 
etc.,  Sepulcri  201.  The  accusative  plural  in  us  was  particu- 
larly common  in  Gaul:  filius —filiosy  etc.,  Bon.  128;  cf. 
Haag  42. 

245.  In  words  often  used  as  proclitics  final  -er,  -^7r  became 
—rey  —ro:  inter'^^ inire ;  quaf(^u)or'^  quatrOy  Carnoy  221;  sem- 
per"^* sempre ;  stiper';>^ supre.    Cf.  Laf.  Spr.  474. 

Minus y  used  as  a  prefix  (cf.  §29)  as  in  mifius-pretiarey  be- 
came in  Gaul  mis-,  perhaps  at  the  end  of  the  Vulgar  Latin 
period,  under  the  influence  of  dis-.    Cf.  Phon.  43-44.  ^ 


246.  The  Latin  consonant  letters  were  B,  C,  D,  F,  G,  H,  I, 
K,  L,  M,  N,  P,  Q,  R,  S,  T,  V,  X,  Z.  /and  Fwere  used  both 
for  the  vowels  i  and  u  and  for  the  consonants  j  and  v.  Ky  an 
old  letter  equivalent  to  C,  was  kept  in  some  formulas;  it  need 


E.  CONSONANTS. 


§  248]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  105 

not  be  separately  considered.  Q  was  generally  used  only  in 
the  combination  (2  F= /?r7£/ (cf.  §  223).  stands  for /^j-.  Z  in 
Old  Latin  apparently  meant  s  or  ss  (S.  319-320);  later  it 
represented  a  different  Latin  version  of  Greek  ^,  which  will  be 

treated  below  (§§33^-339)- 

In  addition  to  the  above,  Vulgar  Latin  had  a  new  w  and  y 
coming  from  originally  syllabic  or  /  in  hiatus:  see  §  224. 
In  words  borrowed  from  Greek  and  German  there  were  several 
foreign  consonants,  which  will  be  discussed  after  the  native 
ones. 

247.  Double  consonants  regularly  kept  their  long  pronun- 
ciation: anmis,  nullus,  passus,  terra,  vacca.  For  ss>s  and 
//>/  after  long  vowels,  see  §161.  For  double  forms  like 
ctpus  cippus,  see  §§  162,  163. 

In  late  spelling  there  is  some  confusion  of  single  and  double 
consonants:  anos,  Pirson  ?>2>;Jillio,  Pirson  85;  serra,  Bon.  158; 
cf.  Pirson  83-91.  For  Fredegarius  see  Haag  39-40-  Double 
consonants  are  often  written  single  in  early  inscriptions. 

248.  The  principal  developments  that  affected  Latin  con- 
^  Sonants  may  be  summed  up  as  follows:  b  between  vowels  was 

opened  into  the  bilabial  fricative  ^,  and  thus  became  identical 
with  V,  which  also  changed  to  ^;  c  and  g  before  front  vowels 
were  palatalized  and  were  then  subject  to  further  alterations; 
h  was  silent;  m  and  71  became  silent  at  the  end  of  a  word,  and 
n  ceased  to  be  sounded  before  s.  The  voicing  of  intervocalic 
surds  began  during  the  Vulgar  Latin  period. 

The  consonants  will  now  be  considered  in  detail,  first  the 
native  Latin,  next  the  Greek,  lastly  the  Germanic;  the  Celtic 
need  not  be  separately  studied.  The  Latin  consonants  will  be 
taken  up  in  the  following  order:  aspirate,  gutturals,  palatals, 
dentals,  liquids,  sibilants,  nasals,  labials. 


io6  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  251 

I.  LATIN  CONSONANTS, 
a.  ASPIRATE. 

249.  was  weak  and  uncertain  at  all  times  in  Latin,  being 
doubtless  little  or  nothing  more  than  a  breathed  on-glide:  S. 
255-256.  Grammarians  say  that  h  is  not  a  letter  but  a  mark 
of  aspiration:  S.  262-263.  There  is  no  trace  of  Latin  h  in 
the  Romance  languages.    Cf.  G.  Paris  in  Rom.  XI,  399. 

250.  It  probably  disappeared  first  when  medial:  S.  266. 
Quintilian  commends  the  spelling  deprendere:  S.  266.  Gellius 
says  ahenuniy  vehemensy  incohare  are  archaic ;  Terentius  Scaurus 
calls  reprehensus  and  vehemens  incorrect,  and  both  he  and 
Velius  Longus  declare  there  is  no  h  in  prendo:  S.  266.  Probus 
states  that  traho  is  pronounced  trao:  Lindsay  57.  Cf.  App. 
Pr.y  '■'■adhuc  non  aduc.^^  In  inscriptions  we  find  such  forms  as 
aduCf  comprendity  cortis,  mi,  nil,  vemens :  S.  267-268. 

251.  Initial  h  was  surely  very  feeble  and  often  silent  during 
the  Republic.  In  Cicero's  time  and  in  the  early  Empire  there 
was  an  attempt  to  revive  it  in  polite  society,  which  led  to  fre- 
quent misuse  by  the  ignorant,  very  much  as  happens  in  Cock- 
ney English  to-day:  for  the  would-be  elegant  chommoda^ 
hinsidiasy  etc.,  of  "Arrius,"  see  S.  264. 

Quintilian  says  the  ancients  used  h  but  little,  and  cites 
^''cedos  ircosque'':  S.  263.  Gellius  quotes  P.  Nigidius  Figulus 
to  the  effect  that  "rusticus  fit  sermo  si  aspires  perperam";  but 
speaks  of  bygone  generations  —  i.e.,  Cicero's  contemporaries  — 
as  using  /i  very  much,  in  such  words  as  sepulchrum,  honera: 
S.  263-264.  Pompeius  notes  that  h  sometimes  makes  position, 
as  in  terga  fatigamus  hasta,  sometimes  does  not,  as  in  quisquis 
honos  tumuli:  Keil  V,  117.  Grammarians  felt  obliged  to  dis- 
cuss in  detail  the  spelling  of  words  with  or  without  h:  S. 
264-265. 


§  254]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  107 

-^is  dropped  in  a  few  inscriptions  towards  the  end  of  the 
Republic:  arrespex  (for  haruspex),  etc.,  S.  264.  In  Rome  are 
found:  e[redes],  C.  I.  L.  I,  1034;  oratia,  C  /.  Z.  I,  924; 
ostia,  C.  I.  L.  I,  819.  In  Pompeii  h  is  freely  omitted;  and 
after  the  third  century  it  is  everywhere  more  or  less  indis- 
criminately used:  abeo,  abitat,  anc,  eres^  ic^  oc^  omo,  ora^  etc., 
haram,  hegit^  hossa,  etc.,  S.  265-266.  Cf.  ospitium^  ymnus,  etc., 
heremum^  hiens,  hostium^  etc.,  Bechtel  77-78;  ortus,  etc.,  hodiOy 
etc.,  R.  462-463. 

252.  After  h  had  become  silent,  there  grew  up  a  school  ' 
pronunciation  of  medial  h  as      which  has  persisted  in  the  ; 
Italian  pronunciation  of  Latin  and  has  affected  some  words  in  ) 
other  languages:  michi^  nichil^  Bechtel  78,  R.  455.    Cf.  E.  S. 
Sheldon  in  Harvard  Studies  and  Notes  in  Philology  and  Litera' 
ture  I  (1892),  82-87. 

b.  GUTTURALS. 

253.  C  and  K  did  not  differ  in  value  except  that  C  some- 
times did  service  for  G:  App.  Pr.^  digitus  non  didtus^\- 
dicitos  —  digitos,  Audollent  536;  cf.  S.  341-344.  There  was 
some  confusion,  too,  of  Q  and  C:  S.  345. 

254-  was  pronounced  kw:  S.  340-341,  345-346,  350- 
351.  Before  u  and  o^  however,  the  kw  was  reduced  to  k  by 
the  first  or  second  century,  probably  earlier  in  local  or  vulgar 
dialects:  Quintilian  VI,  iii,  records  a  pun  of  Cicero  on  coque 
and  quoque;  condam^  cot,  cottidie^  S.  351-352;  in  quo  ante—in- 
choante^  quooperta  —  coperta,  secu?ttur,  Bechtel  78-79.    Cf.  §  226. 

Before  other  vowels  the  kiv  was  regularly  kept  in  most  of 
the  Empire,  unless  analogy  led  to  a  substitution  of  k,  as  in 
coci  iox  coqui  t\iYO\ig\i  cocus :  see  §226.  But  in  Dacia,  south- 
eastern Italy,  and  Sicily  subsequent  developments  point  to  a 
Vulgar  Latin  reduction  of ^ue  to  ke^  qui  to  ki:  Lat.  Spr.  473. 


io8  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  256 

In  quinque  the  first  w  was  lost  by  dissimilation:  cinqve, 
Carnoy  221,  found  in  Spain  (socinqv,  Lexique  <^-^)\  cinctivs, 
cinqvaginta,  S.  351.  Laqueus  seems,  for  some  reason,  to 
have  become  * laceus:  Substrate  III,  274. 

255.  stood  for  ks:  S.  341,  346,  352.  After  a  consonant 
ks  early  tended  to  become  s:  Piautus  uses  me7's  for  merx; 
Caper,  '''■cals  dicendum,  ubi  materia  est,  per  j-,"  Keil  VII,  98. 

By  the  second  or  third  century  ks  before  a  consonant  was 
reduced  to  s:  sestus  is  common  in  inscriptions,  cf.  Carnoy  170, 
Eckinger  126  (Seo-ros);  destera,  Carnoy  171;  dester,  S.  353; 
mextum  for  mcestum^  AudoUent  537.  So  ex-':>es-  in  excutere, 
exponere^  etc.:  cf.  exti?7tare  for  cestimare^  Bechtel  139.  Hence 
sometimes,  by  analogy,  es~  for  ex-  before  vowels,  as  in  ^essa- 
gium^  but  not  in  exire. 

At  about  the  same  time  final  ks  became  j-,  except  in  mono- 
syllables: coj'us,  conjus^  tnilex^  pregnax —prcegfians^  sicbornatris^ 
etc.,  in  inscriptions,  S.  353  (cf.  xanto,  etc.);  felis^  fifth  cen- 
tury, Carnoy  159;  App.  Fr.^  ^^aries  non  ariex^'^  '-'•locuples  non 
lucuplex^^^  '''"miles  non  milex^^^  '■'■poples  non  poplex.''^ 

In  parts  of  Italy  ks  between  vowels  was  assimilated  into  ss 
by  the  first  century,  but  this  was  only  local:  alesan[der],  S. 
353;  BissiT  BisiT  visit  =  77/^^//,  S.  353.   For  ks'^^s^  see  §  266. 

There  are  some  examples,  in  late  Latin,  of  a  metathesis  of 
ks  into  sk:  axilla''^  ascella^  Lindsay  102;  buxus';;>^  buscus ;  ' 
7;/jt://> vixcit  (i.e.,  viscit)y  Carnoy  157.  Cf.  Vok.  I,  145.  On 
the  other  hand,  /'r/V<r/7/(2>  prixsilla,  Carnoy  158.  In  north- 
ern Gaul  apparently  sk  regularly  became  ks^  as  in  cresco^  nasco, 
etc.:  see  Melanges  Wahlund  145. 

256.  The  voicing  of  intervocalic  surds  doubtless  began  as 
early  as  the  fifth  century;  it  is  shown  by  Anglo-Saxon  borrow- 
ings and  by  such  Latin  forms  as  Jrigare^  migat  in  inscriptions 


§  258]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  109 

and  manuscripts;  there  are  many  examples  from  the  sixth 
century:  Lat.  Spr.  474.  A.  Zimmermann,  Zs.  XXV,  731, 
finds  in  inscriptions  some  slight  evidence  of  a  change  of  / 
to  d  during  the  Empire,  in  some  places  perhaps  as  early  as 
the  first  century.  According  to  Loth  2 1-26,  intervocalic  / 
were  voiced  in  Gaul  in  the  second  half  of  the  sixth  century. 
Rydberg,  Franz,  9  I,  32,  maintains,  on  the  evidence  of  in- 
scriptions and  manuscripts,  that  />^/  in  the  fifth  century  and 
the  beginning  of  the  sixth,  while  f>^''at  least  two  centuries 
earlier.  Cf.  VoJz.  I,  i25ff. ;  iminudavit,  2d  century,  Carnoy 
121;  eglesia^  lehra^  pontivicatus^  7th  century,  Carnoy  123;  ne- 
gate pagandum,  etc.,  sigricius  =  secre/ius,  etc.,  Haag  27  ;  ciibidus^ 
occubavit,  etc.,  stubri,  etc.,  Haag  27-28;  cataveris  —  cadaveris^ 
etc.,  Haag  28-29.  Some  of  the  above  examples  show  that 
consonants  followed  by  r  shared  in  the  voicing,  at  least  as 
early  as  the  seventh  century. 

Voicing  was  not  general,  however,  in  central  and  southern 
Italy,  Dalmatia,  and  Dacia. 

257.  Initial  c  and  cr^  in  a  few  words,  became  g  and  gr: 
^gaveola;  ^gratis;  crassus  -if  grossus''^  grassus^  found  in  the 
4th  century.    Cf.  Densusianu  111-112. 

(l)    C  AND   G  BEFORE   FrONT  VoWELS. 

258.  Before  the  front  vowels  e  and  /  the  velar  stops  k  and  g 
were  drawn  forward,  early  in  the  Empire  or  before,  into  a 
mediopalatal  position  —  k\g.    G  seems  to  have  been  attracted 

sooner  than  k:  in  Sardinian  we  find  k  before  e  or  i  preserved        '    "  j 
as  a  stop  while ^ is  not — kelu^  kena^  kera^  kima,  kircare,  deghe-C      r>  -^"L 
decern^  noghe  <  nucem^  but  reina^  etc. 

In  Central  Sardinia,  Dalmatia,  and  Illyria  /-'went  no  further, 
and  in  Sicily,  southern  Italy,  and  Dacia  the  k'  stage  was  ap' 
parently  kept  longer  than  in  most  regions:  Lat.  Spr.  472. 


no  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§259 

259*  Glhy  the  fourth  century  had  become  praepalatal  and 
had  opened  into  j,  both  in  popular  and  in  clerical  Latin: 
Gerapolis  iox  Hierapolis,  Per.  61,  3;  ^Ualcostegis  non  calcosteis^" 
App.  Pr.;  Q,o^.o\.Q.\~  conjugi,  S.  349;  geiuna —Jejuna,  Stolz 
275,  Neumann  5,  Lat.  Spr.  473;  genvarivs,  S.  239;  genarivs, 
Pirson  75;  agebat  —  aiebat,  lenubam  —  Genavam,  ingens  — 
inijnsy  Bon.  173;  agebat  —  aiebat,  agere  =  aiere,  Sepulcri  205; 
Gepte,  Tragani,  Troge,  Haag  33;  testa,  D'Arbois  10.  Before 
this  happened,  fngidus  in  most  of  the  Empire  had  become 
frigdus  {App.  Pr.,  '•'-frigida  non  fricda'^),  vigUat  had  become 
^viglat,  and  digitus  in  some  places  had  become  dictus  {Franz.  ? 
I,  15-16):  cf.  §  233. 

This  y,  when  it  was  intervocalic,  fused,  in  nearly  all  the 
Empire,  with  the  following  e  or  /  if  this  vowel  was  stressed: 
magister^* mayister'^  maester;  so  ^ pa{g)e{n)sis,  re{g)ina,  vi- 
{g)ijtti,  etc.;  similarly  perhaps  the  proclitic  ma{g)is,  Cf. 
Agrientum,  /Jetevri  vigi7iti,  fjiaeLarpo,  etc.,  Fok.  II,  461  (cf. 
maestati,  Vok.  II,  460)  ;  trienta,  S.  349,  Pirson  97  ;  quarranta  — 
quadraginta,  Pirson  97;  celiens,  colliens,  diriens,  negliencia, 
Haag  34;  recolliendo,  etc.,  F.  Diez,  Gram7naire  des  langues  ro- 
ma7ies  I,  250.  After  the  accent,  and  after  a  consonant,  the 
y  regularly  remained,  except  when  analogy  forced  its  disap- 
pearance (as  in  colliens  through  *collie7ite,  etc.):  legit,  leges, 
pldngit,  argentum.  But  sometimes  it  fused  with  a  following  / 
in  proparoxy tones:  roitus  {—rogitus  —  rogdtus'),  Vok.  II,  461. 

Spain,  a  part  of  southwestern  Gaul,  and  portions  of  Sar- 
dinia, Sicily,  and  southwestern  Italy  remained  at  the  stage; 
elsewhere  the  y  developed  further  in  the  Romance  languages. 
Cf.  Lat.  Spr.  473.-^ 

^  Some  light  is  thrown  on  the  later  clerical  pronunciation  by  a  statement  in  a 
fragment  of  a  tenth  century  treatise  on  Latin  pronunciation,  Thurot  77,  to  the  effect 
g  has  "  its  own  sound  "  (i.  e.,  that  of  English  g  in  gem)  before  e  and  2,  but  is  "  weak  " 
before  other  vowels. 


§  26i]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  hi 


260.  K'  as  early  as  the  third  century  must  have  had  nearly 
everywhere  a  front,  or  praepalatal,  articulation:  k'entu^  duk'ere. 
The  next  step  was  the  development  of  an  audible  glide,  a 
short  7,  between  the  k'  and  the  following  vowel:  k'yentu^ 
duk'yere.  By  the  fifth  century  the  k'  had  passed  a  little 
further  forward  and  the  k'y  had  become  t'y:  t'ye?tfu,  dut'yere. 
Through  a  modification  of  this  glide  the  group  then,  in  the 
sixth  or  seventh  century,  developed  into  t's  or  ts:  t'sentu  or 
tsentu. 

Speakers  were  apparently  unaware  of  the  phenomenon  until 
the  assibilation  was  complete.  There  is  no  mention  of  it  by 
the  earlier  grammarians:  S.  340.  In  the  first  half  of  the  third 
century  some  writers  distinguish  ce^  ka,  and  qu,  apparently  as 
praepalatal,  mediopalatal,  and  postpalatal;  in  the  fifth  century 
we  find  bintcente,  intcitamento:  P.  E.  Guarnerio  in  Supple- 
mend  air Archivio  glottologico  italiano  IV  (1897),  21-51  (cf. 
Rom.  XXX,  617).  S.  348  cites  fes[it],  paze  (6th  or  7th  cen- 
tury). Cf.  Vok.  I,  163.  Frankish  tins  (German  zins^  is  from 
census^  borrowed  probably  in  the  fifth  century:  F.  G.  Mohl, 
Zs.  XXVI,  595.1 

Sc^z.s  palatalized  also:  crescere,  co{g)?tdscere,  fascem^  nasccre^ 
piscem^  etc.    Cf.  consiensia,  septrvm,  S.  348. 

261.  For  a  discussion  of  the  subject,  see  H.  Schuchardt, 
Vok.  I,  151,  and  Libit.  XIV,  360;  G.  Paris  Journal  des  sa- 
vants, 1900,  359,  in  the  Annualre  de  V^cole  pratique  des 
Hautes-J^tudes,  1893,  7,  in  the  Comptes  rendus  des  seances  de 
VAcademie  des  Inscriptions,  1893,  81,  and  in  jRom.  XXXIII, 
322;  P.  Marchot,  Petite  phonetique  du  franfais  prelitteraire^ 
1901,  51-53;  W.  Meyer-Liibke  in  Einf.  123-126,  in  Lat. 

*  In  the  school  pronunciation  of  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries  c  before  e  and  / 
was  probably  ts.  In  the  treatise  cited  in  the  preceding  note,  Thurot  77,  it  is  stated 
that  c  has  "  its  own  sound  "  before  e  and  /,  and  is  almost  like  q  before  other  vowels. 


112  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  264 

Spr,  472,  in  Bausteine  zur  romanischen  Philologie  313  ff.; 
Carnoy  155-160  (who  puts  the  assibilation  in  the  sixth  cen- 
tury and  earlier).  For  a  possible  indication,  through  allitera- 
tion, of  a  local  assibilation  of  c  as  early  as  the  second  century, 
see  Archiv  XV,  146. 

262.  For  r£,  a,  see  Palatals  below. 

(2)    C  AND   G  BEFORE   BaCK  VoWELS. 

263.  K  and  g  before  vowels  not  formed  in  the  front  of  the 
mouth  usually  remained  unchanged:  canis^  gustus,  pacare,  ne- 
gare.  See,  however,  §  256.  Inasmuch  as  a  had  in  Gaul  a 
Jront  pronunciation  (§  194),  kay  ga  in  most  of  that  country 
became  k'a^  ga,  probably  by  the  end  of  the  seventh  century, 
and  then  developed  further:  carum^Yi.  cher,  gamba^Yx. 
J  am  be. 

Intervocalic  g  before  the  accent  fell  in  many  words  in  all 
or  a  part  of  the  Empire,  and  apparently  remained — perhaps 
under  learned  or  under  analogical  influence  —  in  others: 
AVSTVS  from  the  second  century  on,  Carnoy  127  (cf.  avste, 
S.  349);  FRVALiTAS,  S.  349;  SO  ^kdliSy  ^ lidmefiy  ^redlis  (for 
realis  in  GL  Reich.^  see  Zs.  XXX,  50);  so,  too,  the  proclitic 
eo  for  egOy  found  about  the  sixth  century,  Vok.  I,  129  (other 
examples  in  manuscripts,  Fra?iz.  ^11,  242-243).  But  ligdre^ 
ncgdre^  pagdnus. 

(3)  C  AND  G  Final  and  before  Consonants. 

264.  At  the  end  of  a  word  the  guttural  seems  to  have  been 
regularly  preserved  in  Vulgar  Latin:  die,  due,  ecce  hie,  eeeu'hdCy 
faCy  hoCy  sie;  cf.  Italian  dimmi  {^<Cdte  mt)y  fammi  (^<^fae  ml)^ 
siffatto  «  sie  faetum). 

Occasionally,  however,  the  e  must  have  been  lost,  —  mainly, 


§  268]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  113 


no  doubt,  through  assimilation  to  a  following  initial  con- 
sonant: FA  for  fac,  Zs.  XXV,  735.  In  late  texts  nec  is  often 
written  ne  before  a  consonant,  and  there  is  a  confusion  of  si 
and  sic:  Franz.  9  II,  215-224,  236-240. 

265.  ^Before  another  consonant  k  and  g  were  for  the  most 
part  kept  through  the  Vulgar  Latin  period:  actus,  oclus;  frig- 
dus,  *viglat  (§  233). 

For  kw  —  qu,  see  §  254.    For  ks  —     see  §  255. 

266.  Kt  in  some  parts  of  Italy  was  assimilated  into  tt  by 
the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  in  the  south  even  in  the 
first  century:  fata,  otogentos,  in  Pompeii,  Lat.  Spr.  476; 

AVTOR,  LATTVC^  (301  A.  D.),  OTOBRIS   (380  A.  D.),  PR/EFETTO, 

etc.,  S.  348;  App.  Fr.y  ^^auctor  non  autor'\-  Festus,  ^^dumecta 
antiqui  quasi  dumecita  appellabant  quae  nos  dumeta,^^  S.  348. 

The  Celts  perhaps  pronounced  the  Latin  ct  as  from  the 
beginning,  inasmuch  as  their  own  ct  had  become  -^t  (e.g..  Old 
Irish  ocht-n  corresponding  to  Latin  octo,  Windisch  394,  398- 
399)  ;  and  likewise  substituted  ys  for  ks :  *  factum  >  Fr.  fait, 
* e^sire^Yx.  eissir.  Cf.  Einf.  §  186,  Gram.  I,  §  650.  The 
resultant  phenomena  can,  however,  be  explained  otherwise: 
Suchier  735. 

267.  Nkt  became  yt,  which  seems  to  have  been  assimilated 
into  nt  in  parts  of  the  Empire,  probably  by  the  first  century. 
defuntus,  regnancte,  sante,  Lat.  Spr.  472;  sa?itOy  S.  278;  cuntis, 
santus,  Carnoy  172. 

There  is  reason  to  believe,  however,  that  the  ?/  was  retained 
very  generally  in  Gaul  and  perhaps  some  other  regions,  and 
subsequently  drawn  forward  to  the  praepalatal  position — fi' : 
sanctum  >  Fr.,  Pr.  saint,  sank,  etc. 

268.  Qm  became  uvi:  fraumenta,  fleuma,  Lat.  Spr.  472; 
App.  Pr.  ^^pegma  non peuma'*  ( i.e.,  Tnjyfm) ;  St.  Isidore,  ^^sagma 


114  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


quae  corrupte  vulgo  sauma  [or  salma~\  dicitur"  (i.e.,  o-ay/m), 
S.  327.  Cf.  Italian  soma;  and  also  salma,  which  comes  from 
sauma  as  calma  from  Kavfm.    Soma  occurs  in  Gl.  Reich. 

269.  Gn  was  variously  treated  in  different  regions,  being 
preserved  in  some,  assimilated  into  n  or  n  in  others,  and  sub- 
jected to  still  further  modifications:  rcenante^  renum^  Haag  34. 
Cf.  Lat  Spr.  476. 

In  cognosco  the  g  generally  disappeared,  the  word  being 
decomposed — after  the  fall  of  initial  g  in  gnosco — into  co-  and 
no  SCO;  similarly  the  ^  was  sometimes  lost  in  cognatus:  Vok.  I, 
1 1 5-1 16,  connatOy  cunnuscit,  etc. 

270.  Gr,  between  vowels,  in  popular  words  apparently 
became  r  in  parts  of  the  Empire:  frai^g)rare^  inte{^g)rum, 
ni{jg)rum^  pere{g')rlnum^  pi{g)ritia. 


c.  PALATALS. 

271.  Latin  /  was  pronounced  r,  being  identical  in  sound 
with  the  consonant  that  developed  out  of  e  and  /  (§  224): 
jam,  conjuxy  cuj'us;  edmus^  habeam,  teneat^  filial",  venio.  Instead 
of  i  (=j)  the  spelling  u  was  often  used:  coiiugi^  eiius^  Neu- 
mann, Fortsetzung  7. 

When  y  followed  a  consonant,  that  consonant  was  often 
more  or  less  assimilated,  sometimes  entirely  absorbed  by  the 
y.    Palatalization  was  commonest  in  Gaul,  rarest  in  Dacia. 

272.  Dy  and^,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Empire,  probably 
were  reduced  to  jj/ in  vulgar  speech:  dedrsum,  diurnus;  adju- 
tare^  audiam^  gaudium^  hodie,  odium,  podium,  videam ;  exagium, 
fageus.  Compare  ozK  —  hodie  (S.  323)  and  Zov\eCa.=  Julia 
(Eckinger  80);  zxco'hys  =  diaconus,  etc.  (S.  324)  and  zesv 
=z/esu,  zYmo^=  junior  (S.  239).  Cf.  ajutit  z=zadjutet,  Pirson 
76;  madias  =1  maiaSi  364  a.  d.,  Stolz  275,  Pirson  75,  Carnoj' 


§274]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  115 

162;  madw=maio,  Haag  34;  magias  =  maias^  Carnoy  162, 
S.  349;  juria  —jurgia^  ^ipLo<;  —  Sergius,  Carnoy  161;  aios — 
aytos,  Vok.  II,  461;  Coftgianus  =  Condianus^  Carnoy  162;  cor- 
ridics  =  corrigice^  Remidium  =  Remigium^  Haag  34;  aiioget — 
*inodiatf  Gl.  Reich. 

De^  di,  however,  towards  the  end  of  the  Empire,  had 
another — doubtless  more  elegant — pronunciation,  which  was  ^ 
probably  dz:  podium'^  It.  poggio^  but  medium^  It.  mezzo.  \ 
Servius  in  Virg.  Georg.  II,  216,  says,  Media,  di  sine  sibilo 
proferenda  est,  graecum  enim  nomen  est,"  S.  320.  St.  Isidore 
writes,  "solent  Itali  dicere  ozie  pro  hodie,''^  S.  321.  The  letter 
Z  is  often  used  in  inscriptions,  but  we  generally  cannot  tell 
whether  it  means  dy,  or  dz  (cf.  §  339):  ZES  =  dies,  S.  323; 
^L€=die,  Audollent  537;  zogenes,  S.  324;  cf.  sacritus  =  hLa.KpiTo^i 
Waters  Ch.  63. 

In  most  words  the  vulgar  j^'  prevailed,  in  others — especially 
in  Italy — the  cultivated  dz;  from  radius  Italian  has  both  raggio 
and  razzo.  The  dz  pronunciation  was  especially  favored  after 
a  consonant:  hordeum  >  It.  orzo,  prandium  >  It.  prafizo. 

273.  It  appears  that  the  labials  were  not  regularly  assimi- 
lated in  Vulgar  Latin:  sapianf^lt.  sappia,  Pr.  sapcha,  etc. 
But  through  the  analogy  of  audio ^* any 0,  video^*veyo,  etc., 

and  perhaps  through  slurring  due  to  constant  and  careless  use,  , 
habeo,  debeo  often  became  *ayo,  *deyo:  cf.  It.  (iggio,  deggio, 
beside  abbio,  debbio.    The  reduced  forms  generally  prevailed,  D" 
_but  not  everywhere.    For  pliivia  a  form  *pldja  was  substituted 
in  most  of  the  Empire:  cf.  §§169,  208,(4). 

I  c  /  V- 

274.  Ly,  ny,  between  vowels,  probably  became     n  before  '  ^ 
the  end  of  the  Empire:  filius,  fdlia,  melius ,  palea,  tllia;  His- 
pania,  teneat,  veniam.    This  palatal  pronunciation  may  be 
represented  by  the  spellings  Aureia^  Comeius^fiios,  etc.,  S.  327 


ii6  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§276 


Lly^  IV g\  Vg'  were  probably  reduced  to  /'  somewhat  later: 
allium^  malleus;  cdlligit;  ex-eligit. 

Oleunty  from  lAaiov,  is  an  exception :  cf.  It,  Sp.  olio,  Pg. 
oleo,  Pr.  oli,  Fr.  huile;  the  foreign  words  borrowed  from 
Latin  oleum  indicate  the  same  irregularity. 

For  rv,  see  §  296. 

275*  -57)  between  vowels,  doubtless  became  during  the 
Vulgar  Latin  period  /,  a  sound  similar  to  English  sh  in  ship: 
basium,  caseus,  mansidnem,  etc. 

Ssy,  sry,  sty  were  generally  assimilated  later:  *bassiare,  fascia^ 
postea.    Cf.  consiejtsia,  Pirson  72. 

For  the  confusion  of  sy  and  ty,  see  §  277. 

276.  Cy  and  ty,  in  the  second  and  third  centuries,  were  very 
similar  in  sound,  being  respectively  k'y  and  fy  (cf.  Fr.  Riquier 
and  pitie  in  popular  speech),  and  hence  were  often  confused: 
'A/ooi/Ktavos  —  Aruniiatius,  131  A.D.,  Eckinger  99;  termina- 
ciones  (2d  century),  concupiscencia  (an  acrostic  in  Com- 
vs\.o^\2.Xi),  justicia  (in  an  edict  of  Diocletian),  many  examples 
in  Gaul  in  the  5th  century,  Lat.  Spr.  475;  defeniciones  (222- 
235  A.  D.),  ocio  (389  A.  D.),  staacio  (601  a.  d.),  tercius,  S.  323; 
oracionem  (601  a.  d.),  tercia^  Pirson  71  ;  mendatium,  servicium^ 
etc.  Bon.  171  ;  especially  common  in  Gallic  inscriptions  of  the 
seventh  century,  Stolz  51.   Cf.  Vok.  I,  i5off.;  Densusianu  in. 

In  later  school  pronunciation  cy  and  ty  were  sounded  alike. 
According  to  Albinus  (S.  321)  ^^benedictio  et  oratio  et  talia  / 
debent  habere  in  paenultima  syllaba,  non  In  the  treatise 
published  by  Thurot  (see  footnote  to  §  259),  p.  78,  we  are  told 
that  ti,  unless  preceded  by  is  pronounced  like  <r,  as  in  etiam^ 
prophetia,  quatio,  silejttium;  //,  furthermore,  is  confused  with 
ci,  the  spelling  c  being  prescribed  in  amicicia,  avaricia,  duricia, 
justicia^  leticia^  malicia,  pudicicia,  etc.,  also  in  nunciusy  ocium^ 


§  277]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  117 


spacium^  tercius.  Cf.  Gl.  Reich.:  audatia,  spefies,  sotium;  am- 
bicio^  inicio,  spacio^  tristicia^  etc. 

This  similarity  or  identity  of  sound  led,  in  some  cases,  either 
locally  or  in  the  whole  Empire,  to  the  substitution  of  suffixes 
and  to  other  permanent  transfers  of  words  from  one  class  to 
the  other:  cf.  Carnoy  1 51-154.  Hence  arose  numerous  double 
forms :  co7idicio  conditio^  solacium  solatium ;  later  avaritia  -cia, 
^cominitiare  -ciare^  servitium  -cium,  etc.;  so  many  proper 
names,  Anitius -cius^  etc.,  S.  324.  Cf.  A.  Horning  in  Zs.  XXIV, 
545.  This  explains  such  seemingly  anomalous  developments 
as  * exquartiare'P'W,.  sqiiarciarey  ^gutteare^  It.  gocciare^  etc. 
A  number  of  words  evidently  had  a  popular  pronunciation  with 
/'  and  a  school  pronunciation  with  k'y  or  vice  versa:  cf.  It. 
comefizare  cominciare^  etc.-^ 

277.  T'y  developed  sporadically  in  the  second  century,  reg- 
ularly by  the  fourth,  into  ts  (cf.  §260):  crescents: an [vs], 
140  A.  D.,  S.  323;  marsianesses  1= 3d  ccutury, 
Carnoy  154;  zodorys  =  Theodorus^  etc.,  S.  324,  Vok.  I,  68; 
ampitt^airu^  Vincentt^us^  AudoUent  537.  Servius  iji  Don.  (S. 
320)  says,  "lotacismi  sunt  quotiens  post  //-  vel  di~  syllabam 
sequitur  vocalis,  et  plerumque  supradictae  syllabae  in  sibilum 
transeunt."  Papirius,  cited  by  Cassiodorus  (S.  320):  ^^/ustiiia 
cum  scribitur,  tertia  syllaba  sic  sonat  quasi  constet  ex  tribus 
litteris,  2,  et  z  ";  he  goes  on  to  state  that  it  is  always  so  when 
//  is  followed  by  a  vowel  other  than  i  (as  in  Tatius^  otia^  but 
not  in  otiiy  justiiii),  except  in  foreign  proper  names  or  after  j- 
(as  in  justius^  casiius).  Pompeius  says  the  same  thing  at  con- 
siderable length,  adding  (S.  320),  <'si  dicas  Ittius,  pinguius 

sonat  et  perdit  sonum  suum  et  accipit  sibilum."  Consentius 

 1  — 

1  For  a  different  explanatfon  of  the  Italian  and  Rumanian  developments,  see  S. 
Puscariu,  Lateinischcs  it  unci  ki  im  Rumdnischen^  Italienischen  und  Sardischen^ 
1904;  reviewed  in  Libit.  XXVII,  64. 


ii8  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§281 

mentions  the  assibilation  in  etiam,  St.  Isidore  in  justitia:  S. 
320-321.  Welsh  words  borrowed  from  Latin  before  the  fourth 
century  show  no  assibilation;  but  names  in  -tiacum^  carried 
into  Brittany  in  the  second  half  of  the  fifth  century,  are 
assibilated  (e.g.,  Metiacus^  Messac). 

At  an  intermediate  stage  between  ty  and  ts  —  say  t's'y  —  the 
group,  if  the  /'  was  rather  weak,  was  easily  confused  with  sy. 
Examples  are  very  numerous:  observasione,  5th  century, 
S.  323,  Pirson  71 ;  diposisio  —  deposition  hocsies,  sepsies,  6th  cen- 
tury, S.  323;  tersio,  Pirson  71;  cf.  Vok.  I,  153.  Clerical  usage 
for  a  while  doubtless  favored  sy  for  ty,  and  many  words  have 
preserved  it  in  various  regions,  especially  in  suffixes:  palatium 
-siuMy  pretium  -sium,  ratio  -sio,  statio  -sio,  servitium  -sium, 
etc.;  hence  Italian palagio  beside palazzo,  etc.,  and  -igia  beside 
-ezza  from  -itia.    Cf.  Ltblt,  XXVII,  65;  Rom.  XXXV,  480. 

278.  K'y  was  assibilated  sporadically  in  the  third  century, 
but  not  regularly  until  the  fifth  or  sixth,  after  the  assibilation 
of  fy  was  completed:  Mapo-iai/o?  =  Marcianus,  225  a.  d.,  Eck' 
inger  103;  judigsium,  6th  century,  Carnoy  154;  so  facio, 
glaciesy  placeam,  etc.  The  resulting  sibilant  was  different  from 
that  which  came  from  t'y:  faciam^lt.faccia,  vttium^lt.  vezzo. 

'  But  the  intermediate  stages  were  similar  enough  to  lead  to 
some  confusion,  and  the  ultimate  products  have  become  iden- 
tical in  many  regions. 

279.  For  k\  g'y  not  followed  by     see  Gutturals. 

d.  DENTALS. 

280.  The  dentals  were  pronounced  with  the  middle  of  the 
tongue  arched  up  and  the  tip  touching  the  gums  or  teeth,  as 
in  modern  French,  and  not  as  in  English:  S.  301-302,  307. 

281.  D  regularly  remained  unchanged:  dare,perdo,  modus^ 
quid. 


§283]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  119 

Oscan  and  Umbrian  had  nn  corresponding  to  Latin  nd: 
Sittl  37.  There  is  some  indication  that  this  pronunciation  was 
locally  adopted  in  Latin:  AGENNiE,  verecvnnvs,  etc.,  S.  311- 
312  ;  '■'•grundio  non  grunnio^'^  App.  Pr.  If  this  was  the  case, 
the  central  and  southern  Italian  nn  for  nd  (as  quannu  for 
quando)  may  go  back  to  ancient  times:  Lat.  Spr.  476. 

(1)  Occasionally  /.-  old  dacruma'^  lacrima ;  App.  Fr.,  "  adipes  x\on 
alipes."    Cf.  Liquids.    Cf.  §  289,  (3). 

(2)  In  a  few  words  d'^r:  medidies  by  dissimilation  >  z«<?r;i/7Vj;  ar- 
VORSVM  z=.  adversum^  S.  31 1 ;  Consentius  blames  peres  pro  pedes S.  31 1. 
The  cases  seem  to  be  sporadic  and  due  to  different  special  causes. 

282.  At  the  end  of  a  word  there  was  hesitation  between  d 
and  /;  d  may  have  been  devocalized  before  a  voiceless  initial 
consonant,  and  possibly  at  the  end  of  a  phrase :  apvd  apvt, 
S.  365  ;  capud  in  Gregory  the  Great;  fecit  feced,  etc.,  S.  365 ; 
iNQviD,  SET,  etc.,  S.  366-367;  aputy  quot^  set,  Carnoy  180. 
Some  of  the  confusion  was  doubtless  due  to  the  fall  of  both  d 
and  t:  see  §  285. 

In  proclitics  assimilation  naturally  went  further,  as  we  may 
infer  from  the  treatment  of  the  prefix  ad~:  people  probably 
said  not  only  at  te  (cf.  afte?idere)  but  sometimes  *ar  Roviam 
(cf.  arripere).  So  the  final  consonant  eventually  often  dis- 
appeared. Cf.  S.  358-359.  Grammarians  warn  against  the 
confusion  of  ad  and  at^  etc.,  S.  365-366.  Cf.  ad  eos  and  at  ea^ 
etc.,  Carnoy  179-180;  id  ity  quid  quit^  Carnoy  180;  a^  quo  and 
CO,  Haag  29. 

Illud,  through  the  analogy  of  other  neuters,  became  ilium : 
Haag  29,  ilium  corpus,  etc. 

283.  Intervocalic  d,  perhaps  at  the  end  of  the  Vulgar  Latin 
period,  became  d  in  Spain,  Gaul,  Raetia,  northern  Italy,  and  a 
part  of  Sardinia:  videre^^ vedere*    Similarly  intervocalic  dr^ 


I20  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§285 

either  at  the  same  time  or  later,  became  Srin  Spain  and  Gaul: 
quadro^  * quadro. 

In  quadragintay  dr'^rr:  quarranta^  Pirson  97. 

284.  T  usually  remained  unchanged:  teneo^  sitis^  partem^ 
facit, 

Tl^  however,  seems  to  have  regularly  become  cl:  astula^ 
Pr.  ascla;  stloppiis^^sdoppus^  It.  schioppo;  usiulare^Vr, 
usdar,  Cf.  sclit-  and  sclitib-  {horn  stlis  stlitis),  S.  312-313  ; 
Caper,  Marfulus  .  . .  non  Marculus^^^  ^^stlataris  sine  c  littera 
dicendum,"  Keil  VII,  105,  107;  App.  Pr.,  capitulum  non 
capiclum"  ^^veiuius  non  veclus,^^  ^^vitulus  non  viclus.^^  For 
-tulus'^-clus,  cf.  §234. 

Between  s  and  /  a  /  developed:  Caper,  '•'■pessulum  non 
pestulum"  (hence  Italian  pestio,  etc.),  S.  315.  So  probably 
insula  >  *  is  la  >  *  istla  >  *  iscla  >  It.  Ischia. 

285.  Final  /  fell  in  Volscian  {fasia=  facial),  often  in 
Umbrian  {habe),  occasionally  in  Faliscan:  Hammer  5,  7,  8. 
In  early  dialects  we  find  such  forms  as  cvpa,  dede:  S.  367. 
In  Latin,  final  I  disappeared  early  in  the  Empire  in  southern 
Italy,  and  during  the  Empire  in  most  of  Italy  and  Dacia; 
Rumanian,  Italian  (except  Sardinian),  and  also  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  show  no  trace  of  final  /  except  in  monosyllables. 
Cf.  Hammer  28-32.  The  first  sure  examples  of  the  fall  in 
Latin  are  found  in  Pompeii;  others  appear  later  in  the  inscrip- 
tions in  Christian  Rome  and  northern  Italy,  as  ama,  peria^ 
relinque,  valia,  vixi,  etc.:  S.  367-368,  Lat.  Spr.  472.  Gaul, 
Raetia,  and  Sardinia  kept  the  /  late;  but  forms  without  the 
consonant  (as  audivi,  posui) — possibly  due  to  Italian  stone- 
cutters—  occur  in  Gallic  inscriptions.  Fredegarius  wrote  e  for 
el:  Haag  29. 

Final  nl  perhaps  lost  its  /  before  consonants:  Lai.  Spr 


§288]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  121 

473-474.    The  Romance  languages  show  forms  with  nt^  with 

and  without  either  consonant.  iW,  in  general,  is  preserved 
in  the  same  regions  as  In  inscriptions  we  find:  dedro  and 
dedrot^  in  Pisaurum,  S.  365;  posiierun^  restituerun^  Lat.  Spr. 
473-474.    Cf.  Lindsay  124. 

Final  j/,  likewise,  may  have  lost  its  t  before  consonants  — 
as  post  ilium  but  pos^  me,  est  amatus  but  es^  po?'fatus :  Lat.  Spr. 
473.  Pos  is  very  common  in  inscriptions,  and  es  is  found:  S. 
368.  Cf.  pos,  posqiiam  in  R.  470.  According  to  Velius 
Longus,  Cicero  favored  posmeridianus ;  Marius  Victorinus 
preferred  posquam:  S.  368.  Both  j-/ and  s  are  represented  in 
the  Romance  languages. 

For  the  confusion  of  final  d  and  t,  see  §282:  capud,  feced^ 
inquid  are  found.  When  /  did  not  fall,  it  was  doubtless  often 
voiced,  inside  a  phrase,  before  a  vowel  or  a  voiced  consonant. 

CiZ/z// became  capus  (Pirson  238)  or  * capum.  Fredegarius 
uses  capo:  Haag  29. 

286.  Intervocalic  t  was  voiced  to  d  in  Spain,  Gaul,  Raetia, 
and  northern  Italy  probably  in  the  fifth  or  sixth  century:  cf. 
§  256.  Inscriptions  show  a  few  such  forms  as  amadus,  S.  309. 
Such  a  spelling  as  retere  for  reddere  (S.  309)  may  indicate  un- 
certainty in  the  use  of  d  and  /. 

Later  this  dy-d  in  northern  Gaul  and  Spain.  In  Gaul  and 
Spain,  moreover,  tr'P'  dr^  dr.    Cf.  §283. 

e.  LIQUroS. 
(I)  L. 

287.  L  had  a  convex  formation,  like  d  and  /  (cf.  §  280):  S. 
306-307,  309. 

288.  Priscian  I,  38  (S.  324)  writes:  triplicem,  ut  Plinio 
videtur,  sonum  habet:  exilem,  quando  geminatur  secundo  loco 


122  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§289 

posita,  ut  il-le^  Metel-lus;  plenum,  quando  finit  nomina  vel 
syllabas  et  quando  aliquam  habet  ante  se  in  eadem  syllaba 
consonantem,  ut  sol^  silva,  fiaviis^  clarus ;  medium  in  aliis,  ut 
lectus,  lechim."  Consentius  distinguishes  the  "sonus  exilis,'* 
which  he  ascribes  to  initial  and  double  /  (as  in  lana,  ille), 
from  the  "pinguis,"  heard  before  a  consonant  (as  in  albo^  <^^g^i 
etc.):  S.  326.  Other  grammarians  blame,  in  obscure  terms, 
a  faulty  pronunciation  of  /  particularly  prevalent  in  Africa  or 
Greece:  S.  325-326.    See  also  Zs.  XXX,  648. 

It  is  likely  that  /  before  or  after  another  consonant  had  a 
thick  sound  caused  by  lifting  the  back  of  the  tongue.  Before 
consonants,  this  formation  led  in  some  regions,  sporadically" 
by  the  fourth  century  but  regularly  not  until  the  eighth  and 
ninth  and  later  (^Lat.  Spr.  476),  to  the  vocalization  of  /  into 
u:  KavKovXartt)  in  an  edict  of  Diocletian,  301  a.d.,  Eckinger  12; 
;  cauculus  in  manuscripts,  Vok,  II,  494.  After  consonants,  this 
elevation,  shifted  forwards,  brought  about  the  palatalization  of 
/  in  Spanish  and  Italian:  davem"^  kV  ave^^^^.  Have,  It.  chiave. 

According  to  H.  Osthoff,  Dunkles  und helles  1  im  Lateinischen 
in  the  Transactions  of  the  American  Philological  Association 
XXIV,  50,  intervocalic  /,  except  before  /,  also  had  the  thick 
sound  —  as  in  famulus  (but  not  in  similis):  thus  is  explained 
the  different  fate  of  a  in  calere^Old  Fr.  chaloir  and  gallina^ 
Old  Fr.  geline^  etc. 

289.  During  the  Latin  period  regularly  remained  un- 
changed: liina^  altus,  mille^  sol.  It  seems  to  have  fallen  in 
tribunal. 

For//>/,  see  §161.  For  /y,  see  §274.  For  sl^stl^  ski, 
see  §284. 

(1)  IVjLetathesis  occurs  occasionally:  Consentius  (S.  327)  blames  "coacla 
pro  cloaca"    displicina  pro  disciplina";  oi.  fabtlla'^^Jlaba'^W..  fiaba,  etc. 

(2)  There  are  sporadic  examples  of  the  dissimilation  of  two  /'s; 


§  292]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  123 

A  pp.  Fr.f  ^^flagelhim  non  fragelhim,^''  '■^ultellum  non  amtellum" ;  cf. 
MVNTV  for  mulhim,  C.  I.  L.  IV,  1593.    Cf.  S.  327. 

(3)  Marius  Victorinus  (Keil  VI,  8)  says:  "  Gn.  Pompejus  Magnus  et 
scribebat  et  dicebat  kadamitatejyi  pro  calamitate.^^    Cf.  §  281,  (i). 

(2)  R. 

290.  R  in  Classic  and  Vulgar  Latin  was  probably  a  gingival 
or  praepalatal  trill:  S.  307,  309,  328.  It  generally  resisted 
change :  rldet^  carrus,  cursus,  pater. 

291.  In  many  words,  however,  rs'^  ss.  The  principle  seems 
to  have  been  that  original  rs  remained,  while  old  rss^  coming 
from  rtt^  was  early  reduced  to  ss:  Lat.  Spr.  471.  Velius 
Longus  says  (S.  330):  Dossum  per  duo  s  quam  per  r  quidam 
ut  lenius  enuntiaverunt,  ac  tota  r  littera  sublata  est  in  eo  quod 
est  rusum  et  retrosumy  Russum  rusum,  susum  occur  in  early 
writers ;  dextrosus^  introsus^  rusus,  suso,  susum,  etc.,  in  inscrip- 
tions: S.  330.  App.  Pr.  has  pessica;  Gl.  Reich,  has  iusu — 
deorsum.  The_  assimilation  was  not  consistently  carried  out 
everywhere,  being  probably  somewhat  hindered  by  school  in- 
fluence. It  took  place  in  the  whole  territory  in  deorsum  and 
siirsum;  in  most  of  the  Empire  in  dorsum;  in  about  half  the 
Empire  in  persica;  locally  in  aliorsum,  retrorsum,  reversus, 
versus. 

After  long  vowels  the  ss'^s  (see  §  161);  so  sussum^susum^ 
while  dossum  remained  unchanged:  susum.  Waters  Ch.  77; 
susosusu  susum,  Bechtel  83:  susum  very  common,  R.  460-461 ; 
diosum,  R.  460.    Cf.  Corssen  I,  243. 

292.  Moreover,  there  was  a  strong  tendency  to  dissimilate 
two  r's,  although  it  was  only  sporadically  carried  out:  in  Old 
Latin,  -aris  after  r^-alis,  as  in  fioralis;  App.  Pr.^  ^'•terebra 
non  telebra*^;  in  inscriptions  we  find  repeatedly  pelegrinus 


124  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


(Sittl  74),  also  ministorunty  perpenna  —  Perperna^  propietas^ 
propioy  S.  329;  alb  or,  coliandrum,  criblare,  flagrare,  meletrix, 
plurigo  are  attested  likewise,  Lat.  Spr.  477.  Pompeius  (S. 
329)  says:  "Barbarismus,  quando  dico  mamor  pro  eo  quod 
est  marmor.^^    Cf.  Italian propio,  dietro  drieto. 

293.  Velius  Longus  (S.  329)  tells  us  that  in  elegant  speech 
per  before  /  was  pronounced  pel,  as  in  pellabor,  pellicere.  Cf. 
PELLIGE,  etc.,  S.  329.  So  Italian  per  lo  '^pello,  averlo'^-  (in 
Old  It.)  avello.  This  assimilation  was  probably  not  wide- 
spread in  Latin;  it  has  left  very  few  traces  in  the  Romance 
languages.    Cf.  Italian  Carlo,  merlo,  orlo,  per  la,  etc. 

294.  Metathesis  is  not  uncommon:  S.  330-331.  Consentius 
mentions  ^perlum  pro  prcelum,*^  S.  330.  Crocodllus  appears  as 
corcodilus,  cocodrilus,  corcodrillus,  S.  331;  cf.  Italian  ^•^'^<:^7^/n7/<7. 
S.  330  notes  prancati.    For  quatro,  ^sempre,  etc.,  see  §  245. 

An  intrusive  r  is  found  in  culcitra.  Waters  Ch.  38. 

295.  Final  r,  except  in  monosyllables,  fell,  probably  before 
the  end  of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period,  in  most  of  Italy  and 
Dacia:  soror^lt.  suora.  Rum.  soaru.  Sittl  11  mentions  an 
early  fall  of  final  r  among  the  Falisci  and  the  Marsi,  as  in 
mate,  uxo;  cf.  frate,  mate. 

296.  Ry  was  probably  preserved  through  the  Vulgar  Latin 
period,  although  it  may  have  been  reduced  to  y  in  parts  of 
Italy:  corium^  ^coryu  and  possibly  *cqyu  (cf.  It.  cuoio), 

f.  SIBILANTS. 

297.  S  seems  to  have  been  dental,  with  the  upper  surface 
of  the  tongue  convex  (cf.  §  280):  S.  302,  304,  307-308. 

The  old  voiced  s  having  become  r  (S.  314-315),  Classic 
Latin  s  was  probably  always  voiceless  and  remained  so  in 


§  298]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  125 

|.  Vulgar  Latin  (S.  302-304):  this  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that 
11  intervocalic  s  is  still  generally  surd  in  Spanish  (casa,  etc.)  and 
J  "in  most  popular  words  in  Tuscan  (7iaso,  etc.)  ;  corroborative 
evidence,  as  far  as  it  goes,  is  furnished  by  such  spellings  as 
nupsi^  pleps^  urpSy  also  maximus,  rexi,  etc.,  and  the  develop- 
ment of  a/  in  such  words  as  hiemps^  siimpsi.    At  the  very  end 
of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period,  however,  intervocalic  s  may  have 
become  voiced  in  some  regions  (cf.  §  256):  causa,  mist,  etc.^ 
Classic  Latin  s  was  generally  preserved:  sex,  ossum,  cur- 
sus,  tste. 

298.  Final  s  often  fell  in  Umbrian  {kumate),  and  occasion- 
ally in  Faliscan:  Hammer  5,  8.  Cf.  Sittl  27,  who  cites  Um- 
brian piSAVRESE.  In  early  Latin  final  s  was  very  weak  after 
u  and  t,  and  often  was  not  written.  Cicero  {Lat.  Spr.  471) 
says  the  loss  of  -s  is  "subrusticum,  olim  autem  politius." 
Quintilian  also  (S.  361)  notes  the  omission  of  -s  by  the 
ancients.  Ennius  and  his  followers  down  to  Catullus  did 
not  count  -s  before  a  consonant  in  verse:  S.  355-356.  Cf. 
Pompeius  (Keil  V,  108):  littera  banc  habet  potestatem, 
ut  ubi  opus  fuerit  excludatur  de  metro."  In  the  older  inscrip- 
tions -s  is  freely  omitted,  but  later  it  is  in  the  main  correctly 
used  until  the  second  century  of  our  era:  Laf.  Spr.  471.  The 
omission  is  commonest  in  nominative  -ds  or  -us,  but  occurs 
also  in  -ts  and  ~ds,  rarely  in  -as:  bonu,  Cornclio,  nepoti,  pieta, 
Terentio,  unu,  etc.,  and  inafrona  for  viatrouas,  S.  361-362. 
According  to  Chronologic  175-186,  the  nominative  singular 
without  J  (as  Cornelia,  filio)  predominated  in  central  Italy 
until  the  time  of  Caesar,  when  -s  was  partially  restored;  but 
by^  150  to  200  A.  D.  the  forms  without  s  became  common 

^In  the  previously  cited  Latin  treatise  (see  footnote  to  §259),  Thurot  77,  ^  be- 
tween vowels  is  described  as  "weak,"  except  in  compounds,  such  as  resolvit.  This 
evidently  indicates  a  voicing  in  late  school  pronunciation. 


126 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


again,  and  prevailed  in  central  Italy  in  the  third  century  {eio 
for  ejus,  liberio^  etc.).  Cf.  morbu  —  morbus^  etc.,  Audollent 
539,  540;  Jilio  =Jilios,  C.  I.  L.  IX,  1938.  In  most  of  Italy, 
and  probably  in  Dacia,  final  s  disappeared  for  good  from  the 
common  pronunciation  in  the  second  and  third  centuries,  ex- 
cept in  monosyllables  i^Lat.  Spr.  471):  amdtis^W.,  amate, 
shitis^W.  senti,  iempus^lX..  tempo;  but  ^^3!j->It.  dai^  /r^i->01d 
It.  trei  (later  tre).    Cf.  Hammer  19-28,  Densusianu  122-123. 

In  Gaul,  Spain,  and  some  other  regions,  probably  owing 
to  the  previous  linguistic  habits  of  the  natives,  was  strongly 
pronounced  and  therefore  preserved.  Carnoy  185-206  re- 
cords the  omission  of  -s  in  many  inscriptions,  but  notes  that 
as  this  nearly  always  happens  at  the  end  of  a  line  it  is  doubt- 
less only  a  conventional  abbreviation. 

299.  According  to  Velius  Longus  (S.  316),  trans-  became 
tra-  before  j\  and  sometimes  before  m  and  /  /  traduxit^  tra- 
jecit;  tra{ns)misit^  tra{ns)posuit;  transtuUt.  We  sometimes 
find,  however,  transduco  and  transjicio.  Both  forms  occur 
before  /  and  v:  trains) luceOy  tra{ns^veho. 

Italy  generally  favored  tra-  (but  trasporre),  Gaul  and  Spain 
usually  preferred  tras-  (but  traduire^  traducir). 

300.  In  presbyter^  a  new  nominative  constructed  from  Trpco-- 
^vrepos,  the  s  fell  in  Italy  and  elsewhere  through  the  substitu- 
tion of  the  prefix  pr(z-  (as  in  prcebitor)  for  the  unusual  initial 
pres-:  hence  \X.  prete^  Vr.  preveire  {<,*prcebyterum), 

301.  For  prosthetic  /  or  e  before  s  4-  consonant,  see  §  230. 
In  Old  French  pasmer  (from  spasmus)  the  s  was  lost  prob- 
ably through  confusion  with  es-  coming  from  the  prefix  ex-, 

302.  For  ^^>^,  see  §  161.  For  sy,  see  §  275.  For  assibila- 
tion,  see  Gutturals  and  Palatals.  For  0,  see  §  246  and  Greek 
Consonants. 


§  305] 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


127 


g.  NASALS. 

303.  N,  like  d  and  /  (§  280),  was  dental  or  gingival,  with 
an  arched  tongue:  S.  269-270. 

M  and  fi,  initial  and  intervocalic,  regularly  remained  un- 
changed: meus,  noster,  amat,  vhiit.  For  the  reduction  of 
minus-  to  mis-^  see  §  245.  There  was  a  dissimilation  of  two 
«'s  in  Bo?io7iia  >  It.  Bologjia. 

304.  M  and  n,  final  or  followed  by  a  consonant,  were 
obscure  and  weak  in  Classic  Latin;  the  preceding  vowel 
must  have  been  partly  nasalized,  and  the  mouth  closure  in- 
complete. According  to  Priscian  (S.  275),  obscurum  in 
extremitate  dictionum  sonat,  ut  templum,  apertum  in  prin- 
cipio,  ut  magnus,  mediocre  in  mediis,  ut  umbra.^^  Terentianus 
Maurus  (S.  275)  says  that  for  n  the  air  comes  through  both 
nose  and  mouth.  So  Marius  Victorinus  (S.  275):  "iVvero 
sub  convexo  palati  lingua  inhserente  gemino  naris  et  oris 
spiritu  explicabitur."  The  same  author  describes  (S.  275)  a 
sound  between  m  and  n:  *'Omnes  fere  aiunt  inter  m  e.t  n  lit- 
teras  mediam  vocem  quce  non  abhorreat  ab  utraque  littera  sed 
neutram  proprie  exprimat."    Cf.  S.  276. 

305.  In  Classic  Latin  the  nasal  naturally  took  before 
labials  the  form  of  m;  before  dentals,  7t;  before  /  and  v, 
probably  first  m,  then  «,  as  the  pronunciation  of  these  frica- 
tives changed  from  bilabial  to  dentilabial  (cf.  §320);  before 
gutterals,  y :  combura^  immiUo^  imperio;  cofiduco,  cojiiinco^  inno- 
ccns ;  co77ifluo  confiuo^  comvc?iio  convcfiio;  ariguisy  ijiquit^  uncus 
(cf.  iVNCxi,  NVNCQVAM,  S.  278).  Cf.  S.  270,  279-280.  The  y 
— or  adulterinum" — is  described  by  Nigidius  (in  Gellius), 
and  also  by  Priscian,  as  between  71  and^(S.  275);  cf.  S.  269- 
270,  272.  Before  liquids  the  nasal  was  assimilated  {colligo,  cor- 
rigo^  etc.),  before  s  it  was  silent  {cosul^  etc.:  cf.  §§  171,  311). 


128 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§  307 


Final  nasals  seem  to  have  been  adapted,  like  medial  nasals, 
to  a  following  consonant :  nom  paret,  cun  duce,  nom  or  non  fecit^ 
iy  came;  no  I  lego,  cur  regibus,  i  sendtu.  Cicero  advocated  cun 
nobis;  Servius,  cun  navibus :  Lat.  Spr.  476.  In  inscriptions 
we  find  cun,  locun  sanctum,  nomem,  quan  fioridos,  quen,  S.  364; 
ci.  forsitam  mille,  Bechtel  81  {forsitam,  Carnoy  220). 

306.  In  the  vulgar  speech  of  the  Empire  the  sound  before 
labials  seems  to  have  been  indistinct,  and  even  before  dentals 
not  always  clear  (S.  271-272)  ;  before  f  and  v  there  was  great 
uncertainty  (cf.  §§  171,  311),  and  there  was  apparently  some 
doubt  before  and  qu  (S.  272):  this  is  indicated  by  such 
spellings  as  senper,  quamta,  ny7ifis,  7tunquam,  S.  276-277;  con- 
plere,  decemter,  Carnoy  176;  tan  mulieribus,  Carnoy  220.  Cf. 
Carnoy  176-177.  In  both  old  and  late  inscriptions  the  nasal 
is  often  omitted  altogether  before  a  consonant:  Decebris,  exe- 
plu,  occubas,  etc.,  innoceti,  laterna,  secudo,  etc.,  iferos,  etc.,  de- 
fuctce,  pricipis^  reliquat,  etc.,  S.  273,  281-285.  For  the  change 
of  ykt  to  r/t,  then  to  nt,  see  §  267:  santa,  etc.,  Pirson  92; 
santo,  etc.,  frequent,  S.  278. 

The  hesitation  and  inconsistency  in  spelling  are  certainly 
due  in  part  to  imperfect  articulation,  largely  to  mere  careless- 
ness in  cutting,  but  in  great  measure  also  to  the  mistaken 
efforts  of  later  writers  to  restore  a  real  or  hypothetical  earlier 
orthography:  compare  the  treatment  of  prefixes,  §  32. 

In  late  Vulgar  Latin  m,  n,  ?j  must  have  been  reinforced, 
as  there  is  little  trace  of  confusion  in  the  Romance  lan- 
guages. 

307.  Mn  seems  at  one  time  to  have  been  pronounced  m: 
Quintilian  (S.  286)  says:  Columnam  et  consules  exempta  ;/ 
littera  legimus."  Cf.  Priscian  (S.  275):  "iV  quoque  plenior 
in  primis  sonat  et  in  ultimis  partibus  syllabarum,  ut  nomen, 


§309]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  129 

stamen;  exilior  in  mediis,  ut  amnis^  dam7iiimy  Carnoy  166 
has  Interamico^  for  -amn-,  from  the  first  century. 

Late  inscriptions,  on  the  other  hand,  show  a  fondness  for 
such  spellings  as  calumpnia^  dampnum  (cf.  Bon.  189,  cal- 
umpnia,  dampnare^  etc.);  and  7npn  is  common  in  the  early 
Romance  languages.  It  is  likely  that  this  orthography  indi- 
cates a  conscious  and  painful  effort  to  articulate  clearly. 
Toward  the  end  of  the  Empire  fashion  evidently  prescribed 
a  distinct  pronunciation  of  mn^  counteracting  a  previous  ten- 
dency to  slur  the  group. 

The  Romance  languages  point  to  the  preservation  of  mn^ 
although  it  was  probably  assimilated  into  nn  in  central  and 
southern  Italy  before  the  Empire  was  over  i^Lat.  Spr.  476): 
Inter annien si Carnoy  166. 

308.  Between  m  and  s  or  t  2l  p  generally  developed  in  Latin 
—  that  is  to  say,  the  latter  part  of  the  m  was  unvoiced  and 
denasalized  before  the  surd  that  followed;  this  /  was  not  al- 
ways written:  sum [p) si,  sum{p)tus,  etc.    Cf.  S.  298. 

309.  Final  m  often  fell  in  Umbrian  (as  in  puplu),  occa- 
sionally in  Faliscan:  Hammer  5,  8.  In  Old  Latin  it  was 
weak:  S.  356.  It  is  often  omitted  in  inscriptions  down  to 
130  B.  c,  and  again  in  late  plebeian  inscriptions;  in  the  last 
century  of  the  Republic  and  the  first  two  centuries  of  the 
Empire  the  traditional  spelling  is  carefully  observed:  early 
and  late  such  forms  as  dece,  eo?'u,  mecu,  mense,  septe,  unu  are 
very  common,  and  conversely  forms  with  a  superfluous 

S.  363-364;  cf.  AudoUent  539-540,  abundant  examples;  App. 
Pr.,  ide,  riiimqiia,  oli,  passi,  pride.  The  omission  of  -w  and 
the  wrong  use  of  it  are  very  frequent  in  the  Per. :  que  ad  7no- 
dum,  terra,  Bechtel  79;  Jaccnte,  etc.,  accedere,  etc.,  Bechtel  80; 
dormito  for  dormitum,  Bechtel  91 ;  cf.  Bechtel  107.    So  R.  462, 


130  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  310 

ardente  lucernam^  etc.  According  to  Quintilian  (S.  362),  Cato 
said  dice  hanc;  he  adds  that  there  is  scarcely  any  m  audible 
in  tantum  ille^  quantum  erat. 

Final  m  before  vowels  seems  to  have  been,  from  early  times, 
only  a  weak  nasal  glide:  in  circueo  it  disappears  (S.  274),  in 
poetry  it  may  be  disregarded  (cf.  audie?idu' st,  etc.,  S.  361). 
Before  consonants  it  was  assimilated  (cf.  tan  dvrvm,  etc., 
S.  361):  see  §  305.  Cf.  S.  356-358,  360.  Carnoy  206-221, 
who  notes  the  omission  of  —m  in  many  inscriptions  under  all 
possible  conditions,  reaches  the  conclusion  that  it  became 
silent  at  the  end  of  polysyllables  by  the  first  century,  having 
disappeared  very  early  before  vowels,  next  before  spirants  and 
at  the  end  of  a  phrase,  then  (by  assimilation)  before  other 
consonants. 

In  the  opinion  of  Schuchardt,  Vok.  I,  110-112,  the  preced- 
ing vowel  was  nasalized.  The  contrary  view  is  maintained  by 
Seelmann,  288-292.  As  the  fall  of  m  seems  to  have  been  due 
primarily  to  a  failure  to  close  the  lips  completely  between  two 
vowels,  it  is  likely  that  the  nasalization  was  slight. 

The  Romance  languages  point  to  a  loss  of  -m  in  all  words 
but  monosyllables:  damnui^m^^  possu^m')^  tenea(^m)\  cum^jani^ 
quern  (^quen^  Audollent  537).    Cf.  Hammer  32-41. 

310.  Final must  have  been  indistinct  (S.  358),  but  it  seems 
to  have  been  reinforced  in  Classic  speech  (S.  286).  The  pre- 
fix con-  became  co-  before  vowels,  as  in  coactum,  cohcererCj  co- 
hors,  coicere:  S.  274,  282.  Before  gn^  too,  the  final  n  of  prefixes 
fell  very  early,  as  in  cognatus,  cognosco,  ignotus :  S.  274.  Other- 
wise there  is  no  sure  proof  of  the  fall  of  -n  in  Latin  (S.  364- 
365),  but  there  is  abundant  evidence  of  its  assimilation  to  a 
following  labial  (iM  bello,  etc.,  S.  361):  see  §  305;  cf.  Lat. 
Spr.  473.  For  further  assimilation,  cf.  Caper  (Keil  VII,  106), 
"/>/  Siciliam  dicendum,  non  is  Siciliam^\'  see  §  311. 


§3ii]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  131 

The  Romance  languages  indicate  the  disappearance  of 
except  in  monosyllables:  iiome^n)^  senie(^n)  \  in,  iidn.    It  prob- 
ably fell  late,  after  the  Vulgar  Latin  period:  Lat.  Spr.  473. 

For  final  «/,  see  §  285. 

311.  Before  fricatives  or  spirants  n  regularly  fell,  probably 
through  nasalization  of  the  preceding  vowel:  see  §  171.  This 
phenomenon  was  only  partially  recognized  by  Classic  au- 
thority: -enstmus -estmus,  -iens'^—ies,  -onsus"^ -dsus,  as 
in  vicesimus,  toties,  formosus  (S.  273);  ns,  however,  was  kept 
in  participles,  as  videns,  ma?isus;  both  forms  were  used  in 
-e{n)sis  (according  to  Velius  Longus,  Cicero  preferred  fo- 
resia,  hortesia,  S.  287).  Charisius  (S.  286)  records  that  ^^me?i- 
sam  sine  n  littera  dictam  Varro  ait."  Cf.  Quintilian  (S.  286), 
^Uonsules  exempta  n  littera  legimus." 

In  popular  speech  the  fall  was  probably  constant  from  early 
times:  cesor,  cojux,  cosol,  coventioiiid,  iferos,  iiifas^  libes,  etc., 
S.  274,  281-285;  Stolz  243  ff.  Plautus  repeatedly  uses  mos- 
trare,  Stolz  243.  Terence  seems  to  intend  a  rhyme  in  "neque 
pes  neque  mens,"  Eunuchus  728.  Such  forms  are  frequent  in 
inscriptions:  cofecisse,  cojectis,  cojugi  (very  common),  covenimus^ 
ifer  (Capua,  387  a.  d.),  iferi,  ifimo,  ifra,  iventa,  resiirges  (on  a 
coin  of  Vespasian's  reign),  S.  274,  281-285.  So  in  Greek- 
letter  inscriptions:  kAi}/x>;s,  ko^ovs,  etc.,  Eckinger  80,  11 3-1 15. 
Cf.  Audollent  538,  iferi;  Carnoy  177,  cojugi,  etc.,  mesis,  etc.; 
Pirson  94,  i7tfas,  remasit;  App.  Pr.,  ^^ansa  non  asa";  R.  461- 
\(i2,  prcegnas  repeatedly,  mesor  messor  =  mefisor.  Conversely, 
with  a  superfluous  n:  fidetis  ■=> fides,  quiensces,  etc.,  S.  274,  285; 
tJmisaurus,  Stolz  243;  '■'•Hercules  non  Herculens,^^  ^^occasio  non 
occansio,^^  App.  Pr.;  locuplens,  occatisio,  thensaurus,  etc.,  R.  459. 

Before  /,/,  v,  the  n  was  generally  restored  by  analogy  (see 
§  171);  such  words  as  co7ijux,  conveiiio  are  really  new  forma- 
tions: S.  274.    The  only  sure  Romance  traces  of  the  loss  of  « 


132  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  314 

before  these  consonants  in  Latin  are  Italian  fante  and  French 
convent,  although  at  a  later  date  nf  became  /  in  Raetia  and 
much  of  southern  France. 

Before  the  fall  of  n  was  permanent,  and  the  only  Romance 
words  containing  ns  are  learned  terms  or  new  formations: 
mesa,  mesis,  pes  at,  spqsus,  tosus;  but  pensare, 

h.  LABIALS. 
(I)  P. 

312.  P  regularly  remained  unchanged:  pater,  opus,  cofpus. 
(i)  There  was  some  sporadic  confusion  of  p  and  b:  bvbliC/^;,  scripit, 

S.  299;  App.  Pr.,  '■Aplasia  non  bla»la,''^  ziziber  nor\.  ziziper^^ ;  cannabis  and 
It.  canapa. 

313.  In  Italy  and  perhaps  elsewhere  there  was  a  tendency 
to  drop  p  between  a  consonant  and  an  s  or  t:  redemti,  etc., 
Pirson  93 ;  scultor,  etc.,  S.  299. 

In  a  part  of  Italy ps  became  ss  as  early  as  the  first  century: 
isse  for  ipse  is  found  in  Pompeii,  and  is  attested  by  Martial 
and  possibly  by  the  icse  for  ipse  mentioned  by  Suetonius,  Lat. 
Spr.  476. 

In  central  and  southern  Italy  //  became  it  probably  early  in 
the  Empire:  scritus,  etc.,  S.  299;  settembres,  7th  century,  Car- 
noy  165.  In  a  part  of  Gaul  captivus  seems  to  have  been  pro- 
nounced ^ca^ivus:  it  may  be  that  in  Gallic  speech  the  pt  oi 
this  word  became  yt,  as  was  the  case  with  Celtic  //  (Dottin 
icq;  cf.  Old  Irish  secht-n  —  septem,  Windisch  394);  or  perhaps 
captivus  became  first  ^cactivus,  under  the  influence  of  Celtic 
^cactos  (Welsh  caeth)  =:  Latin  captus  (Loth  35). 

314.  Intervocalic  /  probably  became  b  in  the  fifth  and 
sixth  centuries  in  Spain,  Gaul,  Raetia,  and  northern  Italy:  see 
§256.  Cf.  Pirson  60-61:  labidem,  etc.  TV  likewise  became 
l/r:  Abf'ilis,  Pirson  61;  lebrce,  Bon.  160;  stubrum,  Haag  862. 


§  3i6]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  133 

In  northern  Gaul  intervocalic p  and /r,  even  in  clerical  Latin, 
developed  through  b  and  br  into  yS  and  by  the  seventh  cen- 
tury: rivaticiis,  629  A.  D.,  Vok.  I,  128;  cavanna,  Gl.  Reich. 

For  pe,  pi,  see  §  273. 

(2)  B. 

315.  When  b  was  not  intervocalic,  it  usually  remained  un- 
changed: bene^  blttum,  oblitiis. 

Mb,  as  in  Oscan  and  Umbrian,  became  mm  in  Sicily  and 
southern  and  central  Italy,  the  mvi  being  found  in  inscriptions 
as  far  north  as  Rome:  Lat.  Spr.  476.    Cf.       §  281. 

Before  s  ox  t\\.  is  likely  that  b  regularly  became  p  in  Latin, 
although  it  was  often  written  b:  absens  apse?is,  ab—  apsolverCy 
plebs  pleps,  scribsi  scripsi,  scribtum  scriptum,  trabs  traps,  urbs 
urps;  App.  Fr.,    celebs  non  celeps,^^  ^^labsus  non  lapsus." 

Final  b  must  have  been  often  assimilated  to  a  following 
consonant:  sud  die,  601  a.  D.,  Carnoy  165. 

316.  In  the  Empire,  especially  in  the  second  century,  initial 
b  and  v  were  much  confused  in  inscriptions  (cf.  V):  biginti^ 
bixit,  botu,  ve?ie,  etc.,  S.  240;  Valeria,  Balcrius,  Beneria,  Be- 
7ieti,  Betriibius,  Bicto?;  bos,  vahicas,  Audollent  536;  African 
birtiis,  bita,  bolimtas,  Vok.  I,  98;  bivere,  very  common,  Carnoy 
140;  baluis,  Bechtel  78;  vibit,  etc.,  R.  456;  bobis  in  Consen- 
tius,  Vok.  Ill,  68. 

In  the  Romance  languages  there  are  few,  if  any,  traces  of 
such  an  early  interchange.  Probably  the  confusion  was  mainly 
or  wholly  graphic,  being  due  to  the  identity  in  sound  of  b  and  v 
between  vowels  (§  318):  Lat.  Spr.  473;  cf.  Eiiif.,  §  120.  The 
Spanish  levelling  of  initial  b  and  v  does  not  go  back  to  Vul- 
gar Latin  (Carnoy  139-141);  the  confusion  is  far  commoner 
in  Italian  inscriptions  than  in  Spanish  or  Gallic  (Carnoy 
142-146).  We  find  also  a  change  of  initial  v  to  b  in  north 
Portuguese,  Gascon,  south  Italian,  and  Old  Rumanian. 


134  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  319 

317.  After  liquids,  too,  there  was  a  confusion  of  b  and  v  in 
inscriptions,  b  being  substituted  for  v  much  oftener  than  v  for 
b:  Nerba,  salbum,  serbiis,  solbit,  etc.,  S.  240;  berbex,  Waters 
Ch.  57;  solbere,  repeatedly,  Carnoy  140;  solbere,  etc.,  R.  455; 
App.  Pr.^  '■'■alveus  non  albeus.^^ 

In  all  probability  v  really  changed  to  b  after  liquids:  see  V. 
B  remained  unchanged. 

318.  Intervocalic  b  opened  into  ^;  the  development  appar- 
ently began  in  the  first  century,  was  well  along  in  the  second, 
and  was  completed,  at  least  in  Italy,  in  the  third:  Ovtoma  = 
Vibia^  Rome,  Eckinger  95;  devere,  devitvm,  provata,  etc., 
S.  240.  As  V  also  was  pronounced  a  confusion  in  spelling 
resulted,  b  and  v  being  used  indiscriminately:  cvrabit, 
ivbentvtis,  nobe,  etc.,  S.  240;  iwy^i^ty.  =jube7tte,  2d  century, 
Einf.  127,  §  120;  cabia  —  cavea,  Danuvium,  Dibona^  iubenis, 
vovis,  etc.,  Audollent  536-537;  devitum  (6th  century),  lebis^ 
redivit^  vibi,  Carnoy  134-135;  annotavimus^  lebat^  Bechtel  78; 
deveiisy  habe  —  ave^  rogavo^  suabitati^  etc.,  R.  455-456;  cf.  Stolz 
51,  Pirson  61-62,  Carnoy  134-136.    Cf.  V. 

When  this  /3  became  contiguous  to  a  following  consonant, 
it  was  vocalized  into  u:  ^faiila,  *J)araula,  ^taula,  etc.    Cf.  V, 

Intervocalic  br,  perhaps  not  until  the  end  of  our  period, 
became  in  northern  Gaul,  Raetia,  part  of  northern  Italy, 
and  Dacia. 

(1)  In  the  early  stages  of  clerical  Latin  intervocalic  b  was  pronounced 
jS,  as  in  popular  speech:  "^fa^ula,  *  tabula,  etc.  Later,  perhaps  by  the 
seventh  century,  it  was  sounded  b. 

(2)  In  App.  Pr.  we  find  sibiliis  non  sifilics,^''  and  Priscian  (S.  300)  men- 
tions ^'■sifilum  pro  sibilum^^ ;  cf.  French  siffler.  Perhaps  the  form  with  f 
comes  from  some  non-Latin  Italic  dialect :  cf.  bubulcus  —  It.  bifolco,  and  a 
few  other  words. 

(3)  For  habebam  "^^a^ea,  see  §  421. 

319.  Be,  bi  probably  remained  unchanged,  at  least  in  most 


§  322]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  135 

of  the  Empire :  rabies^  rubeus,  etc.  For  the  analogical  change 
of  habeo  to  *ayo^  debeo  to  *deyo^  see  §  273. 

(3)  ^- 

320.  7^  was  originally  bilabial  (S.  294-295),  but  became 
dentilabial  by  the  middle  of  the  Empire  (S.  295):  cf.  §  305. 
It  is  the  old  /,  apparently,  that  is  described  by  Quintilian 
(S.  296-297) ;  a  plain  description  of  the  dentilabial /  is  given 
by  Terentianus  Maurus  and  Marius  Victorinus  (S.  296). 

(i)  Grammarians  speak  of  an  alternation  of  h  and  f:  fccdiis'^hccduSy 
fasena'^ hare7ta, firciim~^ hircuin^  habam'^faba??i,  etc.,  S.  300.  The / and 
•the  h  doubtless  belonged  to  different  dialects  in  early  Latin;  according  to 
Varro,  Ling.  Lat.  5,  §  97,  the  /  tor  h  was  Sabine.  This  phenomenon  can 
have  no  connection  with  the  change  of  initial /to    in  Spanish  and  Gascon. 

321.  It  is  probable  that  intervocalic  /became  v  at  the  end 
of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period  (cf.  §  256):  aleva7iti  —  elephanti^ 
paceveci  =  pacifici^  pontevecem  —  pontificevi^  Haag  32-33. 

(4)  V- 

322.  The  letter  v  was  doubtless  originally  pronounced  w; 
but,  losing  its  velar  element,  the  sound  was  reduced,  probably 
early  in  the  Empire,  to  the  bilabial  fricative  /?.  During  the 
Empire  Greek-letter  inscriptions  have  ov  or  for  v  (Nepova  or 
Ncp/Stt) :  Outoma  =  Vibia,  Rome,  Eckinger  95 ;  ^  for  v  is  com- 
mon from  the  first  century  on,  Eckinger  85-91.  Velius 
Longus,  in  the  middle  of  the  second  century,  says  that  the  u 
in  ualente  is  pronounced  "cum  aliqua  aspiratione":  S.  232. 

Hence  arises  a  complete  confusion  of  intervocalic  b  and  v 
(cf.  B)\  CVRABIT,  iVBENTVTis,  ctc,  S.  240;  jubtiri  iox  juvari 
in  Gregory  the  Great.  This  leads  to  a  graphic  confusion  of 
initial  b  and  v  in  inscriptions:  biginti,  bixit,  botv,  etc.  (so 
Inbicto),  S.  240. 


136  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  324 

Later  the  bilabial  /?  became  dentilabial  v  in  most  of  the 
Empire:  cf.  §  305. 

For  the  substitution  of  w  for  /?  or  z/  in  a  few  words,  see 
Germanic  Consonants. 

323.  After  liquids  /?  seems  to  have  closed  regularly  into  b; 
this  state  was  preserved  in  Rumanian  (Densusianu  97,  103- 
105),  but  elsewhere  the  ^  ox  v  was  partially  restored  by  school 
influence:  cerbvs,  corbi,  cvrbati,  ferbeo,  nerba  (about  100 
A.  D.),  serbat,  solbit,  E.  G.  Parodi  in  Rom.  XXVII,  177,  cf. 
§  317.  So  vervex  became  *verbex,  then  berbex-.  Waters  Ch.  57 ; 
BERBECES,  2d  ccntury,  Einf.  127,  §  120  (also  in  Gl.  Reich.). 

Hence  came  hesitation  in  spelling  {ferveo,  ferbui,  etc.)  and 
inconsistent  results  in  the  Romance  languages:  corvus^  It. 
corbo  corvo,  Fr.  corbeau;  ct7rvus^0\d  Fr.,  Pr.  corJ>,  Sp.  corvo; 
nervus'y>  It.  nerbo^  Fr.  nerf  ;  servare^  servire'^-  It.  serbare,  servire. 

324.  Intervocalic  w  or  p  had  a  tendency  in  older  Latin,  as 
in  Umbrian,  to  disappear  between  two  like  vowels:  divinus^ 
dinus  (cf.  Umbrian  deivi?ia^  deina,  Sittl  26),  obliviscor'^  ob- 
Itscor^  si  vis  sis.  Cf.  Lindsay  52.  Also,  at  all  times,  before 
or  after  0:  bovis^  bos ;  devorsum';;>  deorsum;  faor,  Pirson  63; 
moere,  Audollent  539;  Noe/xyS/oto?,  Vok.  II,  479;  noem[bris], 
S.  241;  ^^pavor  non  paor^^  App.  Pr.;  cf.  late  noembris^  noicius^ 
Lindsay  52.  '-'•Favilla  non^failla^^  in  App.  Pr.  seems  to  be 
isolated. 

In  the  above  cases  the  fall  apparently  was  only  sporadic. 
But  before  an  accented  0  or  the  w  or  p  fell  regularly  in 
most  of  the  Empire:  aunculus^  Vok.  II,  471  (cf.  auncli,  Pir- 
son 63);  FLAONivs,  S.  241;  *padnem;  *padrem. 

Furthermore,  intervocalic  w  or  (S  regularly  disappeared  in 
popular  speech  before  any  u,  probably  towards  the  end  of  the 
Republic  (when  -vos':>  -tj us)  :  flavs,  vIvs,  S.  241  {oi.flaus  in 


§  328]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  137 


App.  Pr.,  vius  in  Pirson  63);  oiim^  Vok.  II,  472  (cf.  oum  in 
Probus,  Keil  IV,  113);  nous^  Audollent  539  (cf.  7toum^  Pirson 
63);  gnceus^  Lindsay  52;  datius,  Carnoy  128;  primitius,  Pir- 
son 63;  aus^  rius,  App.  Pr.  Often,  however,  the  v  was  re- 
stored, after  the  analogy  of  a  feminine  or  a  plural  form:  ovum 
(beside  oum^  through  ova^  rivus  (beside  rius^  through  rivi^  etc. 
Cf.  §  167. 

(i)  In  inscriptions  -vs  is  common  in  place  of  -vvs;  in  most  cases  this 
is  probably  only  graphic:  Carnoy  128-131.  The  ^Vm  of  C.  I.  L.  I,  1220, 
cited  by  Schuchardt  {Vok.  II,  471)  and  others  as  ccicm,  is  evidently  in- 
tended for  ccvum.  ^ 

325.  When  intervocalic  w  or  /3  became  contiguous  to  a  fol- 
lowing  consonant,  it  was  vocalized  into  (cf.  P):  Classic 
claudo^  ?iaufragusy  etc.;  Vulgar  aucella^  triumphaut^  etc. 

(s)  u. 

326.  C/  in  hiatus  which  had  not  already  become  ?£/(§§  223- 
224)  probably  took  that  sound  by  the  end  of  the  Vulgar  Latin 
period:  ecai^  /z2V>  *eccwiCy  eccu*  ista  >  *eccwista^  nociti'^  noavi^ 
placuif^ placwit.    Before  this,  the  original  Latin  w  (spelled 
had  become  yS:  §  322. 

2.  GREEK  CONSONANTS. 

327*  In  Greek  the  surd  and  the  sonant  stops  must  have 
been  less  sharply  differentiated  than  in  Latin;  the  sonants 
were  perhaps  not  fully  voiced,  and  the  surds  doubtless  had  a 
weak,  voiced  explosion:  so  they  were  not  always  distinguished 
by  the  Latin  ear.  The  Greek  liquids,  nasals,  and  sibilants 
usually  remained  unchanged  in  transmission. 

328.  Single  consonants  sometimes  became  double  in  Latin, 
and  Greek  double  consonants  sometimes  became  single:  vd/xos 
>nummus;  €KKXr)(ria>  ec(c)/esia.    Cf.  Claussen  847-851. 


138  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  332 

(1)  B,  r,  A. 

329.  B,  y,  8  regularly  remained  gj  d:  /SXata-os  >  blcesus; 
ydpov  >  garum ;  hiXra^  delta.  Sometimes,  however,  they  were 
unvoiced  into  /,  'laKOipos  */dco/>us  (also  *Jdcomus)\ 
yoyypos  >  conger  ganger^  crirriXvyya  >  spelunca;  KcSpos  >  citrus. 
Cf.  Claussen  833-838. 

TfA.'^um  (cf.  §  268):  a-dyfrn^  sagma  sauma. 

(2)  K,  n,  T. 

330.  K,  IT,  T  generally  remained  r, /,  KoXat^oq^  colaphus ; 
vop<f>vpa  > purpura;  raXavrov  >  talentum. 

K,  however,  often  became^;  tt  sometimes  became  b;  of  a 
change  of  r  to  ^  there  is  no  example,  although  Kai/SiTos  for  can- 
didus  (Eckinger  98)  seems  to  point  in  that  direction:  *AK/oayas 
>  Acragas  Agragas,  Kdfjifxapo<:  >  cammarus  gammarus,  ko/a/xi  > 
gummi,  Kv/Sepvav^gubernare,  KwfiLo^^gobius ;  cf.  egloge,  progne, 
S.  346;  App.  Fr.y  ^Ualatus  non  galatus"  (=  KaXaOo^);  the  con- 
fusion is  mentioned  by  Terentius  Scaurus  and  others,  S.  347 ; 
— 7rvio<s'^  buxus,  TTvppo':'^  burruSf  cf.  bustiola  in  Gl.  Reich. 

Kv  >  cin  in  kvkvo?  >  cicinus  >  Old.  It.  cecino. 

331.  After  nasals,  k,  tt,  t  regularly  came  to  be  pronounced 
g,  by  d  in  Greek:  ovdyKr^'^  andngi^  Xaiiirpos^  lambrds,  avTpov> 
dndron.  This  late  Greek  pronunciation  perhaps  accounts  for 
such  cases  as  Kafxirri  >  Lat.  gamba^  rvp-Travov  >  Fr.  timbre,  adv- 
TaAoi/>Fr.  sandal.    Cf.  Claussen  838-841. 

(3)  ©,  %  X. 

332.  The  explosives  ^,  x  became  in  Old  Latin  ^  (S. 
252-253):  TTop^vpa'^ purpura ;  old  inscriptions,  Pilipus,  etc., 
S.  259;  later  inscriptions,  Teodor,  nimpce.  Crista,  etc.,  S.  259-260. 
From  the  middle  of  the  second  century  b.  c.  we  find  the 
spellings  th,  ph,  ch:  Claussen  823-833.    People  of  fashion 


§  334]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  139 

undoubtedly  tried  to  imitate  the  aspirates  (Lindsay  54),  but 
popular  speech  kept  the  old  /,  /,  <r,  for  new  words  as  well  as 
for  old :  (nraOrj  >  spatha  =  spata;  K6\a(f)o<;  >  colaphus  =  colapus^ 
(rviX(f>(DVLay>  It.  zampoglia^  ^aXayl  >  It.,  '^t^.  palatica,  cfiavraata^ 
Pr.  paiitaisar;  xoph-r)  >  chorda  —  corda. 

Quintilian  (S.  256)  says  there  were  no  aspirate  consonants 
in  older  Latin.  Cicero  (S.  256)  speaks  of  using  the  old,  un- 
aspirated  pronunciation  (as  pulcros^  triumpos)  in  order  to  be 
better  understood.  The  proper  spelling  is  discussed  by  gram- 
marians: S.  257-258. 

The  letter  h  is  occasionally  misused,  as  in  phosit,  pache, 
etc.:  S.  260.  It  is  transposed  in  Phitonis^  phitonisscey  Bonnet 
141,  218;  cf.  Fitonis,  Fitones  in  Gl.  Reich. 

333.  In  f^aXKaiva.  >  ballcena,-  and  some  other  early  adop- 
tions, <f>'>b;  perhaps  the  reason  is  to  be  sought  in  a  Greek 
dialect  pronunciation:  Claussen  829-831.  In  hoxn>doga, 
etc.,  x^S-  Claussen  831.  In  ^£ro9>It.  zio  we  have  a  late 
development  of  0\  cf.  App.  Fr.,  Theophilus  non  izofilus^'': 
Claussen  833. 

(i)  Evidence  of  a  late  school  pronunciation  of  Q  as  ts  is  to  be  found  in 
Thurot  78,  79  (cf.  footnote  to  §  259):  "  T  quoque,  si  aspiretur,  ut  c  enun- 
tiatur,  ut  cether,  nothiis,  Parthi^  cathah-a,  catholiciis,  et/ieus,  J\/ai/ieiis^\  .  . 
**  In  principio  inquam  dictionis  nulla  prescripta  causa  variari  compellitur, 
ut  thiara,  Tkiestes,  Thesthis,  Thescehcs,  Theos." 

334.  By  the  first  century  a.  d.,  <^  had  developed  into  f  in 
some  places  (S.  261):  dafne  occurs  in  Pompeii,  Claussen  828; 
/  is  common  later  in  southern  Italy,  S.  261.  Certainly  as  early 
as  the  fourth  century  (Lindsay  58)/ came  to  be  the  standard 
pronunciation:  App.  Pr.,  '•'■amfora  non  ampora,^^  ^^s/rofa  non 
stropa^\-  Bechtel  79,  neofiti;  so  o<^y]Kiov  for  officiiim,  etc.,  Eck- 
inger  97.  In  late  words  regularly  appears  as  //  <i)d(Tr)\o<;  > 
phaselus  faselus;  K£<6aAos>It.  cefalo;  etc. 


140  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  339 

(4)  Liquids,  Nasals,  and  Sibilants. 

335.  The  liquids  regularly  remained  unchanged:  Xa/x7ras> 
lampas;  piqTwp^  ?'hetor.  Rh  in  common  speech  was  doubtless 
pronounced  like  r. 

In  nkXivov  >  It.  sedano,  and  a  few  other  words,  we  probably 
have  to  do  with  a  late  Greek  change  of  A  to  8. 

336.  The  nasals,  too,  regularly  remained  unchanged;  fmvpo^ 
>  maurus;  vofirj  >  name.  There  are,  however,  some  indica- 
tions that  they  were  weak  before  consonants:  ^o/x)8os >Pr. 
bobansa^  etc.    Cf.  Claussen  845. 

337.  Of  the  sibilants,  o-  and  ^  were  regularly  unchanged: 
(TLva.Tn^  sinapis ;  e^oSo^^  exodus.  In  oo-/x,>j ?>  It.  orma^  a  has 
probably  become  r.    For  tt pea- jSvrepos^  pre  biter,  see  §  300. 

The  unfamiliar  combination  {(/  lent  itself  readily  to  meta- 
thesis: \\i6X\eiv^psallere  spallere. 
For  ^,  see  below. 

(5)  z- 

338.  Z  doubtless  had  several  pronunciations  in  Greek.  In 
early  Latin  it  was  represented  by  ss  or  s:  p.dt,a^  massa,  ^lavrj 

so7ia  (Plautus).  From  Sulla's  time  on  it  was  written  z  in 
Latin:  Claussen  841-843.  The  grammarians  throw  no  light 
on  the  Latin  pronunciation.  Quintilian  refers  only  to  the 
Greek  letter  and  the  lack  of  a  corresponding  Latin  one;  Velius 
Longus  discusses  z  at  length,  as  a  simple  sound,  but  seems  to 
be  referring  only  to  Greek  speech:  S.  308.  Priscian  (Keil  II, 
36)  says  that  ^  is  sounded  sd,  but  was  often  replaced,  among 
the  ancients,  by     ss,  or  d — as  in  Saguntum,  massa,  Medentius. 

339.  Judging  from  inscriptions,  it  was  pronounced  in  Vul- 
gar Latin  dy,  later  _y  (cf.  §  272),  and  subsequent  developments 
confirm  this  view:  baptizare  was  equivalent  to  bapH{^d)yare, 


§  34i]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


141 


zelosus  to  {d)yelosus.  The  ending  -z{d)yare  became  very  # 
common:  see  §  33. 

The  spelling  di  for  z  occurs  repeatedly:  baptidiare  is  found 
several  times  in  Per.  (90,  22,  etc.;  cf.  Bechtel  79),  and  is  com- 
mon in  inscriptions  (cf.  baptidiatus^  Carnoy  163);  oridium  for 
opu^a,  Lat.  Spr.  473.  Conversely,  z  is  often  used  for  di: 
ZABVLLVS,  Vok.  I,  68 ;  zabulus,  zacones,  Koffmane  38 ;  Lazis  = 
Zadh's,  zabu/uSf  zaconus^  zebus,  zeta  =  diceta,  zosum  =  deorsutn, 
457-458. 

In  late  inscriptions  z  for  /  is  common:  zerax  =  Lepai  (202 
A.  D.),  zanuari,  Vok.  I,  69;  ZESV,  zvnior,  S.  239;  Zov\d<x=Julia^ 
Ko^ov^  =  conjux,  Eckinger  80.    Cf.  septuazinta,  Carnoy  163. 


3.  GERMANIC  CONSONANTS. 

340.  Most  of  the  consonants  offer  no  peculiarities,  being 
treated  as  in  Latin.  A  few,  however,  had  no  Latin  equiva- 
lents: /,  //,  and  w.  Furthermore,  b  and  k  came  in  after  the 
corresponding  Latin  sounds  had  undergone  some  modification. 

341.  B  between  vowels,  occurring  apparently  only  in  words 
adopted  after  Latin  intervocalic  b  had  become     (§  318),  re-  ,  t 
mained  a  stop:  rouboW^  It.  rubare,  ^striban^  Pr.  estribar.  ir-'^ 

although  it  can  scarcely  have  come  in  time  to  share 
in  the  early  palatalization  of  Latin  g  before  front  vowels 
(§§  258  ff.),  seems  to  have  followed  a  similar  course,  and  to 
have  participated  also  in  the  later  Gallic  palatalization  of  g 
before  a  {%  263):  gilda^lt.  geldra,  *giga  >  Pr.,  It.  giga,  geisla 
>  Pr.  giscle;  j^arba  >  Fr.  gerbe,  ga?'to  >  Old  Fr.  jart 

K  resisted  front  vowels:  j/r)/^:?  >  Sp.  esqiiena,  skernon'^  i^'-^'- 
It.  schernire;  so  *nk-itia  >  Pr.  l  iqueza,  etc.    Franko  seems  to  \ 
have  been  an  early  acquisition,  and  its  derivatives  palatalized 
their  k  before  e  and     frank-lscus^W..  Francesco^  etc.    In  the 


142  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  344 

regions  where  Latin  c  was  palatalized,  in  the  seventh  century 
and  later,  before  a  (§263),  Germanic  k  was  modified  in  the 
same  way  before  all  front  vowels  (including  a)\  cf.  Old  Fr. 
eschine^  eschemir^  richesse;  so  blank-a'^'pT.  blanche  (but  It. 
bianca). 

342.  The  spirants  d  and  /  were  replaced  in  Latin  by  the 
corresponding  stops,  d  and  //  wiBarlon  >  It.  guiderdone ;  hau- 
nipa  >  Fr.  hofite^  pahso^  It.  tasso^  parrjaii  >  Fr.  tarir^  prescan 

>  Pr.  trescar.    Cf.  Kluge  500. 

343.  Germanic  h  appeared  when  Latin  h  had  long  been 
silent  in  popular  speech. 

At  the  beginning  of  a  word  it  kept  its  sound  in  northern 
Gaul,  but  apparently  was  neglected  in  the  rest  of  the  Empire: 
hanca^Yx.  hanche^  Sp.  anca;  hapja'^Yx.  hache^  Pr.  apcha; 
hardjan  >  Fr.  hardir,  It.  ardire;  helm  >  Old  Fr.  helme^  It. 
elmo.  Bon.  445  notes  that  ab^  rather  than  is  used  before 
initial  ch:  ab  Chilperico,  etc. 

Intervocalic  h  disappeared  in  most  words,  but  in  a  few — 
perhaps  borrowed  at  a  different  date  —  it  seems  to  have  been 
sounded  kk  in  the  greater  part  of  the  Empire:  fehu  >  Fr.,  Pr, 
feu^  It.  fio;  skiuhan^Yx.  esquiver^  It.  schivare;  spehdn^Old 
Fr.  espier,  Pr.  espiar;  — jehan  >  Old  Fr.  jehir^  Pr.  gequir^  It. 
gecchire^  Old  Jaquir. 

Hsy  hi  were  generally  treated  like  Latin  ss^  it:  pahso  >  It. 
tasso; — slahta^OX^  Fr.  esclafe,  Pr.  esclata,  It.  schiatta;  sleht 

>  Pr.  esclet^  It.  schietto.  But  wahta^  doubtless  adopted  at  a 
different  time,  became  Old  Fr.  gaite^  Pr.  gaita;  cf.  It.  guatare. 

344.  Germanic  w  was  a  strong  velar  and  labial  fricative, 
at  a  time  when  original  Latin  w  (spelled  had  become 
the  purely  labial  fricative  ^(§322).  It  was  nearer  in 
sound  to  Latin  u:  see  §  326.    In  the  GL  Reich,  we  find  it 


§  344]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  143 

represented  by  uu^  in  uuadius^  reuuardenf,  etc.  Bon.  167  re- 
cords Euua,  wa  (the  interjection),  Waddo,  walde,  Wandali, 
etc.  It  is  generally  written  w  in  Fredegarius,  but  Wintrio  is 
spelled  Quintrio :  Haag  38. 

In  extreme  northern  and  eastern  Gaul,  in  northwestern 
Italy,  and  in  Raetia  this  w  apparently  remained  unchanged 
in  the  Vulgar  Latin  period;  elsewhere,  through  a  reinforce- 
ment of  its  velar  element,  it  became  gw:  warjaw^^^warire 
guarire,  werra  >  werra  guerra^  wisa  >  *wisa  guisa. 

Through  association  with  Germanic  words,  the  ^  of  some  \ 
Latin  words  was  changed  to  lu :  vadum  +  wata7t^*wadum, 
vastare  4-  wost-  >  *wastare,  etc. 

See  E.  Mackel,  Die  germanischen  Eleniente  in  der  franzosischen  und 
provenzalischen  Sprac/ie,  1884;  W.  Waltemath,  Die  frdnkischeii  Elemente 
in  der  franzosischen  Sprache,  1885;  W.  Bruckner,  Charakteristik  der  ger- 
manischen Elemente  im  Italienischen,  1899.  / 


IV.  MORPHOLOGY. 


A.  NOUNS  AND  ADJECTIVES. 
I.  GENDER. 

345.  The  three  genders  of  Latin  were  not,  in  the  main, 
dependent  on  sex  or  lack  of  sex.  They  were  grammatical 
distinctions,  whose  observance  was  a  matter  of  outward  form.. 
If  words  lost  their  differentiating  terminations,  confusion  of 
gender  ensued. 

a.  MASCULINE  AND  FEMININE. 

346.  Between  masculine  and  feminine  there  was  not  much 
confusion,  but  there  were  some  important  shifts:  — 

( 1 )  Feminines  of  the  second  declension  nearly  all  became 
masculine:  fraxinus^  etc.;  cf.  castaneus  for  castanea,  Bon.  194. 
Feminines  of  the  fourth  declension  varied  (^Gram.  II,  461): 
dotnus,  ficus,  manus, 

(2)  In  Gaul,  abstract  noijns  in  -or^  through  the  analogy  of 
the  great  majority  of  abstract  terms,  became  feminine  (Bon. 
503-504):  color^  honor^  Lat.  Spr.  483;  dolor^  timor^  Bon.  504. 

(3)  Nouns  that  had  a  proparoxytonic  accusative  in  -erem^ 
-icem^  -iftem^  —orem,  or  —urem  were  of  uncertain  gender  (  Gram. 
II,  464-467):  carcerem^  pulicem^  margmem,  lepdrem,  turturem. 

(4)  There  were  some  sporadic  changes:  duos  arbores,  Pir- 
son  157;  cucullus  and  cuculla^  G.  293;  fons  feminine  in  late 
Latin,  Lat,  Spr.  483 ;  grex  became  feminine. 

(5)  See  also  §  351. 

144 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  145 


b.  MASCULINE  AND  NEUTER. 

347.  In  Classic  Latin  a  number  of  neuters  became  mascu- 
line: balteum  -us,  caseum  -us,  cornu  -um  -us,  frenum  -i,  nasum 
—us,  tergum  -us,  vadum  —us ;  cf.  collus  —um,  ledus  —um. 

In  popular  and  late  Latin  this  tendency  was  strong:  ante- 
Classic,  papaver;  Plautus,  m.  guttur,  dorsus  {Mil.  Glor.  II,  4, 
44),  lactem  {Bacch.N ,  2,  16);  Varro,  m.  mu7'mur;  Petronius,  bal- 
neus,  ccclus,  fatus,  lactem,  vasus  -um,  vinus,  etc..  Waters  Ch.  39, 
41,  42,  57,  Densusianu  129,  132;  collus,  me\nt\us,  etc.,  Audol- 
lent  545;  MARIS,  MAREM,  Dcnsusianu  132;  castellus,  fce7tus, 
lignus,  signus,  templus,  verbus,  vi?ius,  etc.,  R.  266;  sulphurem^ 
G.  293;  frigorem,  maris  nom.  sg.,  marmorem,  pectorevi,  roborem^ 
Bon.  348 ;  incipit  judicius,  etc.,  D'Arbois  135.  Beside  liimeft,  no- 
men,  piper  thtxo.  must  have  been  ^lumznem,  *ndminem,  *ptperem. 

Conversely  we  find  emus,  n.,  for  cinis,  ciner,  m. ;  there  must 
have  been  a  *pulvus,  n.,  beside  piilvis,  m.  and  f.  {Lat.  Spr, 
483);  Petronius  has  thesaurum.  Waters  Ch.  46.  Cf.  gladium^ 
laqueum,  puteum,  thesaurum,  etc.,  R.  270-272. 

Cf.  Bon.  345-349,  507-509.  For  the  confusion  of  masculine 
and  neuter  in  Africa,  see  Archiv  VIII,  173. 

348.  The  transition  from  masculine  to  neuter  was  facilitated 
by  the  fall  of  final  m  {%  309),  and  also  by  the  fall  of  final  s  in 
the  regions  where  that  phenomenon  occurred  (§  298).  These 
changes  reduced  considerably  the  distinguishing  marks  of  the 
two  genders:  — 


filiu(s) 

foliu 

come{s) 

corpti{s) 

filii 

folii 

comiti(s) 

corpori{s) 

filio 

folio 

comiti 

corpori 

filiu 

foliu 

comite 

corpit{s) 

filio 

folio 

comite 

corpore 

filii 

folia 

comite{s) 

corpora 

filioru 

folioru 

comitu 

corporu 

filii{s) 

folii{s) 

comitibu{s) 

corporibu{s) 

filio{s) 

folia 

comite(s) 

corpora 

filii{s) 

folii{s) 

comitibuis) 

corporibu{s) 

146  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  351 

In  the  second  declension  the  only  difference  is  in  the  nomina- 
tive singular  and  the  nominative  and  accusative  plural;  and 
in  Italy  and  Dacia  the  distinction  disappears  even  in  the 
nominative  singular.  In  the  third  declension  the  genders  are 
distinguished  only  in  the  accusative  singular  and  the  nomina- 
tive and  accusative  plural. 

349.  Thus  the  masculine  and  neuter  inflections  came  to  be 
fused,  the  characteristic  neuter  plural  -a  being  regarded  as  an 
alternative  masculine  plural  ending:  Petronius  writes  nervia 
for  nervi^  Waters  Ch.  45;  cf.  rivus  rivora^  Zs.  XXX,  635.  So 
locus^  miirusy  for  instance,  give  in  Italian:  sg.  luogo,  muro;  pi. 
luoghi  luogora,  muri  mura.    Cf.  §  351. 

Nearly  all  neuters  became  masculine:  os  locutus  est^  R.  266; 
donum  mlestem^  etc.,  R.  277;  hunc  sceculum^  hunc  stagnum^  hunc 
verbum^  hunc  vulnere^  Bon.  386,  348.  Mare^  however,  perhaps 
influenced  by  terra^  generally  became  feminine :  maris,  m.  and 
f.,  Densusianu  132;  mare,  f.,  Haag  48.  Greek  neuters  in  -ma, 
if  popular,  generally  became  feminine:  cyma,  sagma. 

The  loss  of  the  neuter  gender  for  nouns  was  probably  not 
complete  until  early  Romance  times.    Cf.  Archiv  III,  161. 

350.  Among  pronouns,  the  neuter  forms  were  kept  to  express 
an  indefinite  idea:  hoc,  id  tpsum,  illud  or  ilium,  quid,  quod. 

Neuter  adjective  forms  were  used  for  a  similar  purpose:  in 
the  early  stages  of  the  Romance  languages  we  find  phrases 
pointing  to  such  Vulgar  Latin  constructions  as  ^mihi  est  grave 
quad  ille  nan  venial,  etc. 

c.  FEMININE  AND  NEUTER. 

351.  Classic  Latin  often  used  not  only  the  singular  for  the 
plural  in  a  collective  sense  (as  eques,  miles,  etc.,  in  Livy:  cf. 
Draeger  I,  4),  but  also  the  collective  plural  for  the  singular 


§  354]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


147 


(as  frigora^  marmo?'a,  rura:  cf.  Draeger  I,  5-9;  Archiv  XIV, 
63).  So  the  neuter  plural  forms  in  -a  were  preserved  in  their 
collective  use  after  the  neuter  singular  forms  had  disappeared. 

This  formation  in  -a  was  extended  to  many  masculine 
(cf.  §  349)  and  even  to  some  feminine  nouns:  digita,  fructa^ 
fusa,  grada  occur  in  late  Latin,  Lat.  Spr,  482.     Cf.  Old  Fr. 
crigne  <^'i  *crt7zea  =  crlnes;  It.  dita^  frutta,  etc.;  Sardinian, 
Apulian,  Rumanian  frunza  <  ?  *frondia  —  frondes. 

352.  In  late  Latin  and  early  Romance  this  collective  plural 
in  -a  came  to  be  taken  for  a  feminine  singular:  tribula  sg., 
R.  269;  gaudia  sg.,  Bon.  351 ;  ligna .  . .  ardet  (cf.  rama)^  Gl. 
Reich.;  hie  est  iesla^  D'Arbois  10;  cf.  ne  forte  et  mihi  hcec  eve- 
niat^  etc.,  R.  435.  The  feminine  character  of  such  words  was 
doubtless  reinforced  by  the  use,  for  instance,  of  an  "^illce  pectora 
to  match  quce pectora:  Chronologic  199.  Conversely, palpebrum 
for  palpebra  occurs,  R.  270. 

Hence  arose  such  feminine  singular  forms  as  *brachia^  *folia^ 
gaudia,  gesta,  ligna,  etc.,  for  which  a  new  plural  was  created: 
brachias,  Audollent  548;  armentas,  mcmbras,  Gl.  Cassel;  ifige- 
niaSy  siniulachras,  GL  Reich. 

In  most  of  the  Romance  territory  the  -a  forms  were  kept 
only  as  feminine  singulars,  but  many  were  preserved  as  plurals 
in  central  and  southern  Italy  and  Rumania. 

353.  Aside  from  these,  few  neuter  nouns  became  feminine: 
marmor,  f.,  occurs  in  late  Latin,  Lat.  Spr.  483.  For  mare  and 
Greek  neuters  in,  -ma,  see  §  349.  For  ci?ius  —  cinis,  *pulvus  = 
pulvis,  see  §  347. 

2.  DECLENSION  OF  NOUNS. 

354.  For  the  use  of  cases,  see  §§  85-100.  By  the  end  of 
the  Vulgar  Latin  period  the  cases  were  generally  reduced, 


148  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  356 

except  in  Dacia,  to  two, — a  nominative  and  an  accusative- 
ablative, — the  plural  following  the  analogy  of  the  singular. 
In  Dacia  the  dative  singular  was  to  some  extent  preserved 
also:  §  91.    Cf.  K.  Sittl  in  Archiv  II,  550. 

355.  The  number  of  declensions  was  reduced  to  three,  the 
fourth  and  fifth  being  absorbed  by  the  others. 

(1)  The  transfer  from  the  fourth  to  the  second  began  in 
Classic  Latin  and  continued  in  vulgar  and  late  speech:  domus^ 
ficus,  so  frucfi,  sendti;  gustus  in  Petronius;  manos^  AudoUent 
544;  Jusso,  passos^  Bechtel  86;  cornum^  fructo  fructos,  gelus^ 
genum^  gradus^  se?iatuSy  spiritus^  etc.,  R.  260-262,  270;  lacus, 
mercatus^  G.  282-283;  j'usso^  lucto,  etc.,  Bon.  135.  All  the 
fourth  declension  eventually  went  over.  One  result  of  the 
intermediate  confusion  was  an  accusative  plural  spelling  -us 
for  -os^  which  was  very  common  in  Gaul:  Bon.  337-338. 

(2)  The  transfer  of  nouns  in  -ies  from  the  fifth  to  the  first 
declension  began  also  in  Classic  Latin:  effigies -ia,  luxuries -ia^ 
materies -ia.  Acia^facia^glacia^scabia^x^2X\.^?A.^di  later:  Den- 
susianu  133,  Lat.  Spr.  482.  All  passed  over  in  the  greater 
part  of  the  Empire;  but  -ies  was  kept  in  the  Spanish  penin- 
sula, in  southern  Italy  and  Sardinia,  and  occasionally  in 
southern  Gaul,  being  assimilated  to  the  third  declension:  cf. 
Sp.  haz^  Pr.  glatz^  etc.  Dies  maintained  itself,  as  a  third 
declension  noun,  beside  dia. 

Fifth  declension  nouns  not  in  -ies  went  into  the  third:  res 
reniy  spes  spem^  etc.  There  was  also  an  inflection  spes 
spene{m),  whence  Italian  spene  (cf.  speni):  W.  Heraeus  in 
Archiv  XIII,  152. 

356.  The  other  declensions  generally  held  their  own,  but 
there  were  a  few  shifts:  — 

(i)  For  an  inflection  mama  mamdne(m)y  etc.,  see  §  359. 


§  357]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


149 


(2)  For  an  inflection  Bellus  Be.lldne^m)^  etc.,  see  §  362. 

Beside  ervum  ervi,  there  was  an  efvus  ervoris:  Lat.  Sp?\  483. 

Fimus  ftmi,  under  the  influence  of  stercus,  apparently  became 
femus  {Gl.  Reich.)  */emdris'   cf.  Old  Fr.  Jiens,  Pr.  femps. 

Fundus  fundi  perhaps  became  fundus  *fu?tddris:  Old  Fr. 
fonz^  Pr.  fons,  Fr.  effondrer.    Beside  terminus       there  was  a 

termen  termlnis. 

(3)  On  the  other  hand,  ds^dssum  (R.  259-260),  Tas'^va- 
sum  vasus  (Waters  Ch.  57);  so  apparently  ros'^*rdsurn  (cf.  Fr. 
arroser^  It.  rugiada^  etc.);  beside  coclear  \\it,x&  was  cocleaiium. 
Caput  became  capus  (Pirson  238)  and  *capum  -i:  cf.  Ltblt. 
XXVII,  367.    Cofpo  for  C07p07'e  occurs  in  the  Pe?'. :  Bechtel  86. 

Greek  nouns  of  the  third  declension  sometimes  passed  into 
the  first:  absis^  absida^  G.  280;  lampas^  lampada,  R.  258- 
259,  G.  280,  Dubois  258;  pyxis ';:>*buxida;  sire7i  ^  sirena^ 
G.  280.  So  a  few  Latin  nouns:  juventus  or  -tas^juventa^ 
likewise  tempesta  {Gl.  Reich.)  and  probably  *potesta;  but  the 
old  forms  were  retained  also.  Fuulva  for  pHlvis  is  recorded 
by  AudoUent  416. 

a.  FIRST  DECLENSION. 

357*  In  countries  which  did  not  lose  final  ^  (§  298),  the 
accusative  plural  form  came  to  be  used  as  a  nominative  pluraU 
This  use  was  due  in  the  main  to  the  analogy  of  the  singular, 
where  there  was  only  one  form,  and  of  feminine  nouns  of  the 
third  declension,  which  had  only  one  form  in  the  plural:  flia 
filia{m)^  matres  matres^  hence  filias filias.  So  linguas^  Audol- 
lent  546.  It  probably  was  not  common  until  late  Vulgar  Latin 
or  early  Romance  times. 

In  Italy  and  Dacia,  where  the  fall  of  -s  made  the  accusative 
plural  identical  with  the  singular,  the  nominative  plural  was 
kept  instead. 


150  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


(i)  According  to  Mohl,  Chronologie  205-209,  the  nominative  plural  in 
-as  was  probably  old  in  some  parts  of  Italy :  scalas,  nom.,  57  b.  c;  liberti 
LiBERTASQVE,  Dalmatia;  Hic  qvescvnt  dvs  mres  dvas  filias,  Africa. 
M.  Breal,  Journal  des  savants  1900,  Feb.,  p.  70,  affirms  that  there  was  a 
feminine  in  -a  with  a  plural  in  -as  in  Oscan,  and  also  in  Latin  down  to 
the  second  century  b.  c.  ;  Celtic,  too,  had  a  similar  plural.  D'Arbois  21-24 
assumes  Celtic  influence :  hic  sunt  cartas.,  etc.  No  foreign  influences  are 
needed  to  explain  the  practice,  but  they  may  have  helped  its  diffusion. 

358.  An  ablative  in  -abus  is  occasionally  found  :  Cassiabus, 
feminabus^  Jiliabus^  pupil/abtis,  Archiv  VIII,  171;  deabus,  fili- 
abus,  ^tc..,  Pirson  \  animabus^  famulabus^  filiabus^  vil- 
labus,  Bon.  331.    This  form  left  no  traces  in  Romance. 

359.  Feminine  proper  names  and  words  denoting  persons 
often  developed,  rather  late,  an  inflection  in  -dnisj  etc.,  or 
-eniSf  etc.,  probably  under  the  influence  of  the  consonantal 
declension  of  Greek  names  that  was  in  vogue  in  schools. 
Pupils  were  taught  to  inflect  Glance  Glaucenis^  Nice  Nicenis^ 
etc.  (R.  264);  cf.  Dante's  Semele\  etc.:  hence  arose  Anna 
Anndnis  or  -enis^  mamma  mammdnis,  amita  *amitdnis  (so 
Juliana  Julianenis  in  Pirson  143),  cf.  W.  Heraeus  in  Zs.  fr. 
Spr,  XXV,  ii,  136.  Some  masculine  person-names  in  -a  had 
the  same  declension  {Ei7tf.  150,  §  153):  barba  barbani,  sa- 
crista  ^sacristanis  (cf.  It.  sacristano),  scriba  ^scribanis  (cf.  It. 
scrivano).  Both  mamani  and  tatani  are  found  in  the  third 
century:  W.  Herseus  in  Archiv  XIII,  152-153.  See  G.  Paris, 
Les  accusatifs  en  -ain,  Rom.  XXIII,  321;  E.  Philipon,  Les 
accusatifs  en  -on  et  en  -ain,  Rom.  XXXI,  201;  W.  Meyer- 
Liibke  in  Libit.  XXV,  206;  G.  Salvioni  in  Rom.  XXXV,  198. 
In  Lat.  Spr.  483,  Meyer-Liibke  expresses  doubt  whether  the 
feminine  -a  -anis  is  connected  with  masculine  tatani^  etc. 

This  feminine  inflection  left  some  traces  in  Gaul,  Raetia,  and 
Italy :  Fr.  nonnain^  putain^  etc.  3  Lombard  madrane^  etc.,  Rom, 
XXXV,  207. 


§  362] 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


(1)  G.  Salvioni,  La  declinazione  imparisillaba  in  -a  -ane,  -o  -one,  -e  ene 
-ine,  -i  ine  -ene,  Rom.  XXXV,  198,  shows  that  these  forms  of  declen- 
sion were  very  common  in  the  mediaeval  Latin  documents  of  all  parts 
of  Italy,  from  750  on:  amitaite,  218;  Andreani,  216;  barbane,  214-215; 
domnani^  219;  Joanneni^  250;  etc.  Ailane,  baj'bane  still  exist  at  both  ends 
of  Italy.  According  to  Salvioni,  the  starting-point  of  all  this  inflection 
was  bdrba  barbdnis,  from  which  it  was  extended  to  other  nouns  of  relation- 
ship and  to  proper  names;  bdrba  barbdnis  itself  he  would  ascribe  to  the 
influence  of  the  synonymous  *bdrbo  *barb6nis.  A  Germanic  origin  is  postulated 
by  J.  Jud,  Recherches  sur  la  genise  et  la  diffusion  des  accusatifs  en  -ain  et  en  -on, 
1907;  also  \xiArchiv  fur  das  Studium  der  neiieren  Sprachen  XXIV,  3-4,  405. 

(2)  A.  Zimmermann,  Zs.  XXVIII,  343,  shows  that  there  was  also  an 
inflection  in  -dtisy  -eiis,  and  -otis:  Aureliaii,  Agneti,  etc.  Cf.  Eugeneti 
from  Eugenes^  R.  264,  Dubois  250;  Andreate,  Rom.  XXXV,  216;  also 
Joannentis,  Rom.  XXXV,  250. 

360.  In  general,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Romance  period, 
the  first  declension  was  reduced  to  this  pattern:  — 


In  Dacia  the  dative  singular  (lune,  etc.)  was  kept  also. 


361.  As  neuter  nouns  became  masculine,  they  assumed, 
partly  in  Vulgar  Latin  but  mostly  in  Romance,  the  masculine 
inflection  in  those  countries  where  the  masculine  and  neuter 
differed:  vinusy  etc.    Cf.  §§  347-349. 

The  plural  in  -a^  however,  was  retained  to  a  considerable 
extent,  especially  in  southern  and  central  Italy  and  Dacia. 
Some  masculines  took  this  -a^  by  the  analogy  of  bracchia^  etc. : 
^botellay  ^botulay  digita,  fructa^  ratna,  etc.  Cf.  §§349,  351-352. 

362.  From  the  seventh  century  on,  —  perhaps  under  Ger- 
manic influence  combined  with  the  analogy  of  the  Latin  type 


luna 
luna 

lune  lunas 
luna{s) 


facia 
facia 

facie  facias 
facials) 


*folia 
folia 

folic  folias 
folia{s) 


b.  SECOND  DECLENSION. 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  365 


gulo  guldnis^  etc., — there  developed  in  Gaul,  Raetia,  Italy,  and 
possibly  Spain,  a  declension  -us  (or  -0)  -dnis  for  masculine 
proper  names:  Hugo  Hugon  was  Latinized  into  Hugo  Hugd- 
ne{m)  (cf.  §  152);  avus  avi>  avo  avonis,  attested  in  Lucca  in 
776  {Rom.  XXXV,  204);  hence  Petrus  or  Fetro  Fetrdne^m)^ 
Faulus  or  Faulo  Fauldne[m),  etc.  Cf.  Pirson  133:  Bellus 
Belloni^  Firmus  Firmonis.  See  E.  Philipon  in  Rom.  XXXI, 
201;  G.  Salvioni  in  Rom.  XXXV,  198. 

Traces  of  this  inflection  are  to  be  seen  especially  in  French 
and  Provengal  proper  names:  Foucon,  Huoft,  etc.  So  perhaps 
Italian  Donatoni,  Giova7inoni^  etc.,  and  possibly  Corsican  ba- 
boniy  suceroni:  Rom.  XXXV,  212—213. 

363.  In  general,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Romance  period, 
the  second  declension  followed  this  pattern:  — 

annu{s)  fa^e{r)  vinii(s)  bracciu  *—us  fructu{s) 

annu  —o  fabric  —0  vinit  -o  bracciu  —o  friictu  —o 

anni  fabri  vini  braccia   -i  fructi  -a 

anno(s)  fab?-o{s)  vino{s)  braccia   -o{s)  frticto{s)  -a 

The  letters  enclosed  in  parentheses  were  silent  in  Italy  and 
Dacia.  In  Gaul  the  accusative  plural  ending  was  often 
spelled -^^ J- .•  Bon.  337-338;  cf.  §355,  (i). 

c.  THIRD  DECLENSION. 

364.  In  the  ablative  there  was  considerable  confusion  of  -J 
and  -e  in  Classic  Latin :  mart  mare^  turrl  iurre,  etc.  This  was 
carried  further  in  common  speech:  cf.  Vok.  II,  85,  87.  The 
ablative  in  -e  finally  triumphed,  but  there  are  some  traces 
of  -i:  It.  party  etc. 

365.  In  the  accusative  plural  there  was  still  greater  con- 
fusion of  -Is  and  -es  {nubes  nublSy  etc.),  both  in  Classic  and 
in  Vulgar  Latin :  cf.  Vok.  I,  247-249.  Apparently -/-^  crowded 
out  the  rarer  -Is^  which  left  no  sure  traces. 


§367]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  153 

Italian  paniy  etc.,  Rumanian  ptni^  etc.,  are  best  explained, 
as  by  Tiktin  565-566,  through  the  analogy  of  the  second 
declension:  see  §368.    Cf. /<?/// for  folks  in  Gl.  Reich. 

366.  In  the  nominative  singular  the  common  -is  largely  dis- 
placed the  less  frequent  -es :  Vok.  I,  244-247,  III,  116;  Caper, 
''''fames  non  famis^^^  Keil  VII,  105;  App.  Pr.^  '•'•nubes  non  nu- 
bis";  cedis,  famis,  nubis^  etc.,  R.  263;  famis^  etc.,  Sepulcri  220. 

As  -es  and  -is  came  to  be  pronounced  alike  before  the  end 
of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period  (cf.  §§  174,  243),  it  is  futile  to 
trace  the  Romance  forms  phonetically  to  one  source  rather 
than  the  other. 

367.  Nouns  which  added  a  syllable  in  the  genitive,  without 
a  change  of  accent,  tended  in  popular  speech  to  use  for  the 
nominative  a  form  in  -zV,  -es^  or  -e  fashioned  on  the  model  of 
the  oblique  cases:  so  seeps  ';:>  scepes,  slips  stipes;  fovis^  nom., 
in  Ennius,  Varro,  Petronius  (Waters  Ch.  47);  lacte  in  Ennius, 
Plautus,  Petronius  (Waters  Ch.  38),  Apuleius,  Aulus  Gellius; 
bovis  in  Varro,  Petronius  (Waters  Ch.  62);  carnis  in  Livy; 
stirpis'vsx  Livy,  Prudentius;  suis\v\  Prudentius  (F.  D'Ovidio  in 
Raccolta  di  studii  critici  dedicata  ad  Alessandro  D^Ancona  627); 
lentis  in  Priscian;  calcis  in  Venantius  Fortunatus;  divite^  etc., 
Audollent  545-547;  ^''grus  non  gruis,''  App.  Pr.;  prineipens 
{  —  principis),  R.  263;  antes teiis,  superstitis,  Vok.  Ill,  9;  iirbis^ 
Haag  45;  pedis,  travis  (three  times),  Gl.  Reich.;  cf.  Chro?iolo- 
gie  203,  Lat.  Spr.  481.  These  forms  prevailed  in  Romance, 
perhaps  in  late  popular  Latin. 

In  Vulgar  Latin  this  formation  was  extended  to  words  with 
a  shift  of  accent:  excelleiite  for  excellens  in  Petronius,  Waters 
Ch.  45,  66;  audace,  castore,  lafrone,  I'ictore,  z'olu?itate,  etc., 
Audollent  545-547;  heredes,  R.  263;  cardonis,  papilio?iis  (cf. 
aculionis  for  aculeus),  Gl.  Reich.;  heredes,  etc.,  D'Arbois  85-88. 


154  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  369 


These  forms,  too,  prevailed  in  Romance,  except  for  names  of 
persons,  which,  being  used  mainly  in  the  nominative  and 
vocative,  retained  and  generally  preferred  the  old  nominative 
form:  homo^  soror,  etc.;  cantdtor^  servitor^  etc.  But  names  of 
persons  in  -ans  and  -ens  usually  made  over  the  nominative: 
parentis^  etc.  (also  presentis^  etc.),  D'Arbois  85-88;  so,  no 
doubt,  ^amantis,  etc.  (also  * clamantis,  etc.),  but  infans  (also 
pragnans). 

368.  In  most  of  the  Romance  languages  (but  not  Spanish), 
masculine  nouns  made  over  their  nominative  plural  on  the 
model  of  the  second  declension,  which  was  regarded  as  the 
normal  masculine  type:  filii^  hence  ^patri;  lupi^  hence  *cani; 
anni,  hence  *me{n)si. 

The  process  may  have  begun  in  the  Vulgar  Latin  period, 
but  there  is  virtually  no  evidence  that  it  started  so  early:  in 
late  Latin,  however,  elifanti  is  common,  according  to  Bon.  367 ; 
parentorum  is  frequent  in  charters;  in  the  Gl.  Cassel^  made  in 
Italy  in  the  eighth  or  ninth  century,  we  find  sapienti, 

369.  Neuters  in  -n  and  -s  regularly  kept  their  nominative- 
accusative  singular,  as  ndme{n),  corpus  cdrpu(^s);  for  ^lutni- 
ne{m)^  *7idmzne{m)^  beside  the  old  forms,  see  §  347.  For  the 
nominative-accusative  plural,  however,  they  constructed,  prob- 
ably in  late  Vulgar  Latin  or  early  Romance,  new  forms  on  the 
masculine  pattern,  as  ^nomes  *ndme{s)^  *cdrpes  *cd?-pe{s);  but 
in  Italy  and  Rumania  the  old  ones,  especially  those  in  -ora^ 
were  kept  also  {Lat.  Spr.  482).  In  these  countries  ~ora  was 
used  as  a  plural  ending  (It.  corpo,  corpi  corpora;  Rum.  timp, 
timpuri),  and  was  extended  in  Old  Italian  to  the  second,  in 
Rumanian  to  both  the  second  and  first  declensions:  cf. 
Tiktin  566. 

Neuters  in  -r,  which  apparently  became  masculine  or 


§  37i]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  155 


feminine  earlier  than  the  others,  often  developed  an  accusative 
singular  in  -e[m)  as  well  as  a  nominative-accusative  plural  in 
^s:  marmoreniy  Bon.  348,  Zauner  30;  papaverem,  Plautus,  Pcen. 
I,  2,  113;  *piperem;  sulphurem^  G.  293;  cf.  §  347.  But  mar- 
mor^  etc.,  were  kept  also.  Cor  apparently  made  its  plural 
*  cores  instead  of  *cdrdes:  according  to  Mohl,  Lexique  21-38, 
the  word  shows  no  trace  of  d  in  any  of  the  Romance  lan- 
guages, except  Spanish  cuerdo^  and  so  probably  goes  back  to 
an  Old  Latin  *cdr  *cdris  =  Krjp  Krjpoq  •  the  open  0  would  possi- 
bly be  explained  as  due  to  a  cross  between  this  *cdr  and  the 
Classic  cor. 

Caput  became  *capu{m)  or  capus  (Pirson  238),  and  passed 
into  the  second  declension:  cf.  §  356,  (3). 

370.  A  few  feminines  in  -is  apparently  became  neuters  in 
~us^  but  the  original  forms  were  kept  also:  cinis  cinus;  pTdvis 
*pulvus,  whence  polvo^  Old  Yx.  pols  {It.  pojve  may  come 
from  piilver). 

IncuSy  ificiidis     i?ict7do^  incudhtis :  Lat.  Spr.  483. 
Sanguis f  sa7tguine{m)  also  saftgue^m). 

371.  In  general,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Romance  period, 
the  third  declension  must  have  gone  about  as  follows  {-ts  and 
^es  having  coincided  in  the  pronunciation  -es):  — 


cane{s) 
cane 

cane{s) 
cane{s) 


(i)  No  Change  of  Accent. 

NO  CHANGE  OF  STEM. 


THINGS. 


pne{s) 
fine 

fine{s) 
fineis) 


res 

rem  re 


res 
res 


pate(r) 
patre 

patre{s) 
patre(s) 


viate(r) 
VI  aire 

7natre{s) 
matre{s) 


IS6 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§  373 


CHANGE  OP  STEM. 


pede(s) 
pede 
pede{s) 
pede{s) 


THINGS. 


*arte{s) 
arte 
arte{s) 
arte{s) 


corpu{s) 
corpu{s) 
^co?pe{s)  corpora 
corpe{s)  cdrpora 


comers) 
comite 
c6mite{s) 
c6miie{s) 


vergo 
vergine 
vergine{s) 
vergine{s) 


(2)  Change  of  Accent. 


*sermone{s) 
sermone 
sermone{s) 
serm6ne{s) 


*rati6ne{s) 
ratione 
rati6ne{s) 
rati6ne{s) 


amdto{r) 
amatore 
amat6re{i) 
amat6re(s) 


soroif) 
sorore 
sor6re{s) 
sorore  (s) 


parente{s) 
parente 
parente{s) 
par  enters) 


Letters  enclosed  in  parentheses  were  silent  in  Italy  and  Dacia, 


d.  LOSS  OP  DECLENSION. 

372.  In  Italy  and  Dacia,  through  the  dropping  of  final  r 
and  J",  declension  nearly  disappeared  before  the  end  of  the 
Vulgar  Latin  period:  cf.  Audollent  545-547,  nom.  alumnUy 
Glaucu^  Romanu,  etc.  It  was  probably  lost  altogether  soon 
after,  although  a  few  double  forms  still  remain:  e.  g..  It.  ladroy 
ladrone. 

It  disappeared  early  in  Spain  also.  In  most  of  Gaul  it 
lasted  through  the  twelfth  century  and  later. 

373.  In  Gaul  and  Spain  the  forms  preserved  were  the  ac- 
cusative singular  and  the  accusative  plural.  In  Italy  and 
Rumania,  for  phonetic  reasons,  the  surviving  cases  are  the 
accusative  singular  and  the  nominative  plural. 

There  are,  however,  not  a  few  examples  of  the  nominative 
singular  of  names  of  persons. 


§  375]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


157 


3.  DECLENSION  OF  ADJECTIVES. 

374.  Adjectives  were  declined  after  the  same  model  as 
nouns.  As  neuter  nouns  assumed  masculine  endings  (§  347), 
the  neuter  adjective  forms  were  less  and  less  used;  the  neuter 
singular,  however,  was  kept  to  represent  a  whole  idea  (cf. 
§350),  and  the  neuter  plural  (as  omnia)  was  doubtless  em- 
ployed from  time  to  time  as  an  indefinite  collective^ 

375.  The  principal  types  are:  — 


(i)  Three  Genders. 
-us  -a  -um 
bonu(s)  bo7ia 
bonti  -o  bona 
boni  bone  -as 

bono{s)  bona{s) 


bonu 
bonu  -0 
bona 
bona 


So  superlatives,  as  opttmus^  -a, 


-er  -a  -um 

li^e{r) 

libra 

libru 

libru  -0 

libra 

libru  —0 

libri 

lihre  libras 

libra 

libro(s) 

libra{s) 

libra 

CEgra,  (2grum. 

-er  -is  -e 

ace(r) 

acre{s) 

acre 

acre 

acre 

acre 

acre{s) 

acre{s) 

acria 

acre{s) 

acre{s) 

acria 

(2)  Two  Genders. 

triste{s)  triste 

triste  triste 

triste{s)  tristia 

triste{s)  tristia 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§  377 


(3)  Originally  One  Gender  in  the  Nominative  Singular. 

*felice{s)  feijs  *p7-zidente{s)  prtide{s) 

felice  felis  prudente  prude{s) 

felice{s)  felicia  prudente{s)  prtidentia 

feliceis)  felicia  prudente{s)  prudentia 

(4)  Comparatives  apparently  did  not  reconstruct  the 

Nominative  Singular:  — 

melio{r)  meliu{s) 

meliore  miliums) 

inelijire{s)  meliora 

vieli6re{s)  meliora 

376.  There  was  a  good  deal  of  confusion  of  types  in  Latin 
times:  beside  alacer^  m.  and  f.,  there  was  alacris^  m.  and  f., 
and  there  was  probably  also  a  feminine  ^  alacra  and  *  alecra. 
Pauper  early  developed  a  feminine  paupera  and  later  a  neuter 
pauperum:  paupera,  pauperum,  pauperorum^  R.  2^^  (cf.pau- 
perorufHy  Waters  Ch.  46).  Macer,  miser,  sacer  passed  into  the 
-us  -a  -um  class,  Densusianu  142;  so  teeter'-^  tetrus,  App.  Pr. 
Declivis,  eff7'enis,  imbecillis  also  assumed  the  -us  -a  -um  inflec- 
tion in  the  Latin  period ;  so  Mstis^tristus,  App.  Pr.  Cf.  celerus, 
gracilusy  prcestus,  sublimus,  etc.,  and  conversely  benignis,  i?i- 
firmis,  etc.,  R.  274.  Prcecox  developed  a  feminine  prcecoca: 
Neue  II,  162. 

In  the  Romance  languages  more  adjectives  went  over  to 
the  —us  —a  -um  type:  Pr.  comuna,  doussa,  etc. 

4.  COMPARISON. 

377.  For  the  new  method  of  comparison,  see  §  56.  The 
Romance  type,  not  completely  evolved  in  Vulgar  Latin, 
was :  — 

r  plus  \  r  plus  \ 

cams  <         .   y  carus  tile  <         .   >  carus 

l_  magts  J  magis  J 


§  379]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  159 


However,  the  Classic  Latin  comparatives  of  many  common 
ad  jectives  remained  :  altior^  graiidior^  gravior^  grevior,  grossior 
(G.  285),  levior^  longior,  major^  melior^  minor,  pejor ;  also  *bel' 
latior.  So  the  adverbs  :  longius,  magis,  melius,  minus,  pejus, 
sordidius,  vivacius,  etc.  The  old  superlatives  remained  to  a 
considerable  extent,  in  the  clerical  language,  as  intensives : 
altissimiis,  carissimus,  pessimus,  proximus^  sanctissimus. 

5.  NUMERALS. 1 

378.  Unus  was  probably  declined  like  bonus.  It  was  used 
also  as  an  indefinite  article  (§57)  and  an  indefinite  pronoun 
(cf.  §71). 

Diio  came  to  be  replaced  by  dUi,  attested  in  the  third  cen- 
tury: Archiv  IX,  558  (cf.  II,  107).  Its  inflection  at  the  end 
of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period  was  probably:  — 

did  dot  (duo?)  due  doe  duas  doas  dua  doa 

duo{s)  dua{s)    doa{s)  dua  doa 

Jn  early  Romance  there  was  doubtless  much  confusion  of  the 
forms. 

379.  The  numbers  between  two  and  twenty  were  as  fol- 
lows:— 

Tres  probably  developed  a  nominative  *trei,  on  the  model  of  dui. 
Quathcor  became  qtcattor  {Archiv  VII,  65),  also  (juatro  (Carnoy  221), 
*  quattro. 

Qulnque,  by  dissimilation,  became  ciuque  (Archiv  VII,  66);  so  cinqua- 
ginta  {Archiv  VII,  70).    Cf.  §254. 

Sex^  septe  (and  *scite),  dcio  {  and  *dtto),  iiSve,  dece  offer  no  peculiarities. 
Cf.  Archiv  VII,  68. 

Beside  tcndhe  there  seems  to  have  been  *tind?ce. 

For  dodece,  see  §  225. 

Tredece  is  regular. 


1  See  M.  Ihm,  Vtdgdrformen  lateinischer  Zahlworter  auf  Inschriften  in  Archiv 
VII,  65. 


i6o  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  381 

Quattuordecim  regularly  became  * quattdrdece  (cf.  §  225),  but  also 
''^guattdrd^ce. 

Qulndece  is  regular. 

Beside  sedece  there  was  '^dece  et  (or  ac)  sex. 

Septendecim,  etc.,  went  out  of  use;  also  unus  de  viginti,  etc.:  G.  400. 
Priscian  (Keil  III,  412)  mentions  decern  et  septetn.  Beside  this  dece  et  septe 
there  was  "^dece  ac  septe ;  so  *dece  et  (or  ac")  octo,  *dece  et  (or  ac")  nove. 

380.  The  tens,  beginning  with  20,  are  irregular:  cf.  §  142. 
Vigintiy  triginta  regularly  became  viinti^  triinta  (§  259): 

p€L€VTL  occurs  in  a  sixth  century  document  of  Ravenna,  Fok, 
II,  461;  trienta^  Archiv  VII,  69.  These  forms  easily  con- 
tracted into  vintiy  trinta  {vinti^  trinta:  Archiv  VII,  69),  which 
account  in  general  for  the  Italian,  Proven9al,  and  French 
words;  Rumanian  has  new  formations.  But  beside  these  we 
must  assume  for  Spanish  something  like  ^viinti^  ^triinta,  with 
an  opening  of  the  first  i  and  an  early  shift  of  accent,  probably 
anterior  to  the  fall  of  the  g;  triginta  is,  in  fact,  mentioned  as  a 
faulty  pronunciation  by  Consentius,  Keil  V,  392.  Cf.  G.  Ryd- 
berg  in  Melanges  Wahlund  337. 

This  change  of  accent  apparently  occurred  everywhere  for 
the  subsequent  tens:    ^quadrdinta,  ^ cinqudifita,  * sexdinta, 

*  septdinta  *  settdinta^  ^  octdinta  ^  ottdinta^  ^nondinta  ^novdinta; 
the  septua-  and  the  octo-  of  70  and  80  were  made  to  conform 
to  the  type  of  the  others.  Outside  of  the  Spanish  peninsula 
-dinta  apparently  became  -dnta.    Furthermore  the  dr  of 

*  quadrdinta  became  rr:  quarranta  is  found  in  an  inscription, 
perhaps  of  the  fifth  century  (Pirson  97;  Zs.fr.  Spr.  XXV,  ii, 
136;  Archiv  VII,  69). 

381.  Centu  was  regular.  For  ducenti^  trecenti,  etc.,  there 
were  probably  new  formations,  such  as  *  diii  centu^  etc. 

Mllle  was  regular.  For  its  plural  it  had  ^dui  mille  or  *dui 
mil{l)ia^  etc. 


§  385]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  161 

382.  The  ordinal  numerals,  after  5th,  were  probably  not 
very  commonly  used:  the  Romance  languages  show  many 
new  formations;  in  northern  Italian,  ProvenQal,  and  Catalan 
the  distributive  ending  -enus  was  employed  {septenus  for 
septifnus^  etc.). 

Primus^  seciinduSy  tertius,  quartus^  qinntiis  were  generally 
kept,  inflected  like  bonus;  but  some  languages  have  new 
formations  even  for  these. 

The  ordinals  were  best  preserved  in  Italy. 

B.  PRONOUNS  AND  PRONOMINAL  ADJECTIVES. 

383.  The  nominative  and  accusative  remained;  and  the 
dative  was  preserved  in  personal,  demonstrative,  relative,  and 
interrogative  pronouns.  The  ablative  gave  way  to  the  dative 
and  accusative.  The  genitive  was  usually  lost;  but  cujus  was 
kept,  and  so  was  the  genitive  singular  and  plural  of  ille^  ipse, 
and  hie. 

1.  PERSONAL  PRONOUNS. 

N.  B.  —  For  the  use  of  personal  pronouns,  see  §60. 

384.  As  the  pronouns  came  to  be  expressed  more  and  more, 

zlle  and  also  //zV,  ipse,  and  is  were  used  to  supply  the  lacking 
pronoun  of  the  third  person:  cf.  §§60,  67.  Examples  occur 
as  early  as  the  second  century:  Franz.  ^11,  262.  Hoc  served 
as  an  indefinite  neuter.  Inde  assumed  the  function  of  an  in- 
definite genitive:  nemo  inde  duhitat^  Regnier  110. 

385.  Ego  lost  its  g  in  all  the  territory,  but  probably  not 
until  the  end  of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period.  According  to 
Meyer-Liibke,  Lat.  Spr.  484,  eo  occurs  in  manuscripts  of  the 
sixth  century.^    See  §  263. 


^  But  his  reference  to  Vok.  I,  242  is  incorrect. 


l62 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§  388 


In  the  last  syllable  of  iibt^  sibt  the  short  /  prevailed,  and 
was  carried  into  ndbls^  vdbis.  On  the  pattern  of  mK^mihi^ 
there  were  formed  /f,  si  beside  tibi^  sibi;  these  are  found,  ac- 
cording to  Lai.  Spr.  484,  from  the  sixth  century  on;  cf. 
Franz.  9  II,  243-244. 

386.  The  inflection  was  probably  reduced  to:  — 

eo  nos  hf  vos 

mi         nqpe{s)        ti  te^e         vo^e{s)  si  se^e        si  se^e 

me        nos  te  vos  se  se 

2.  POSSESSIVES. 

387.  Meus,  fiius,  siius  were  declined  like  bonus;  noster^  vos- 
ter^  like  liber.  But  ml  was  used,  beside  meus^  mea,  as  a  mas- 
culine and  feminine  vocative  (G.  281-282);  mi  domina  is 
common,  G.  282,  Dubois  261-262.  For  the  plural  of  the  third 
person,  illdru  came,  in  the  Romance  languages  except  Spanish, 
to  replace  suus^  etc. 

By  the  analogy  of  meus^  there  was  a  sens:  C.  I.  L.  XII, 
5692,  9;  cf.  sicB,  IX,  3472. 

Sous  is  found  in  Gaul,  Zs.fr.  Spr.  XXV,  ii,  135:  perhaps  it 
is  only  a  phonetic  spelling  of  sous  <.suus^  but  it  may  represent 
a  pronunciation  sous  with  an  0  opened  by  dissimilation  (cf. 
§  167).    There  doubtless  was  a  *tous  also. 

Vester  disappeared.  Vulgar  Latin  voster  may  be  a  survival 
of  the  Old  Latin  voster^  or  a  reconstruction  on  the  model  of 
noster:  cf.  §199,  (i). 

388.  In  archaic  and  popular  Latin  there  was  a  short  sus  sa 
sum,  probably  used  originally  in  the  unaccented  position :  sas, 
sis  occur  in  Ennius,  sam  in  Festus;  so  is  found  in  C.  I.  L.  V, 
2007.  There  must  have  been  similar  short  forms  for  the  first 
and  second  persons  singular:  mis,  indeed,  is  used  by  Ennius. 


§  390]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  163 


The  full  inflection  is  found  in  the  sixth  century:  Franz.  9 
II,  244. 

These  forms  survived  in  Romance:  Old  It,  fratelmo^  madre- 
ma^  etc. 

3.  DEMONSTRATIVES. 

N.  B. —  For  the  use  of  demonstratives,  see  §§ 61-68.    For  their  function  as  definite 
articles  and  personal  pronouns,  see  §§60,  67-68,  also  §392. 

389.  When  ille  and  iste  had  a  really  demonstrative  force, 
they  came  to  be  compounded  usually  with  the  prefix  ecc*  or 
eccu*:  see  §65.    Cf.  Franz.  9  II,  283-304. 

390.  The  inflection  of  ille  developed  considerably  in  popu- 
lar speech.  Ipse  and  iste  followed  a  similar  course ;  we  find, 
however,  the  special  forms  ipsus  for  ipse  and  ipsud  for  ipsum^ 
R.  276;  Franz.  ?  II,  274. 

Ille^  nom.  sg.  m.,  was  partially  replaced,  probably  in  the  sec- 
ond half  of  the  sixth  century,  by  Uli^  framed  on  the  model  of 
qui:  Bon.  114,  illi  —  ille^  ipsi—  ipse\  cf.  Franz,  d  II,  246-260. 

Through  the  analogy  of  cicjus^  cHi^  the  m.  illitis  gave  way  to 
illajus,  and  the  dat.  sg.  m.  illi  was  replaced  in  part  by  illHi. 
The  former,  however,  subsequently  went  out  of  use,  and  the 
latter  is  not  found  in  Calabria,  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and  the  Spanish 
peninsula.  Illius  {ipsius^  is  tins),  having  become  archaic  in 
popular  speech,  sometimes  occurred  as  a  dative:  Franz.  9  II, 
277-279.  There  was  another  dative  form,  illo^  used  by  Apu- 
leius  and  others  (Neue  II,  427;  R.  275;  Quillacq  83);  but  it 
disappeared  from  late  Latin,  being  confused  with  the  ablative 
and  the  accusative.  The  Old  Latin  genitive  ////  {ipsi^  isti)^ 
was  abandoned:  cf.  Franz.  9  II,  273,  275. 

In  the  dat.  sg.  f.,  beside  z7/;",  there  was  illce.  (or  ///^),  used  by 
Cato  and  others  (Neue  II,  427;  R.  275;  Audollent  302);  and 
from  that,  on  the  model  of  illiii  (and  perhaps  of  quei)^  was 


164 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  392 


made  illm  {illei),  which  was  used  beside  tilt  and  tllce.  In  the 
genitive,  on  the  same  pattern  (influenced  perhaps  by  quejus), 
was  constructed  illcejus  {illejus),  which  crowded  out  illtus. 

Illujus,  illui,  illejus,  illei  are  found  from  the  sixth  century 
on:  Zs.  XXVI,  600,  619.  Cf.  Lat.  Spr.  484:  illujus^  illui, 
illejus^  illcE,  tile;  ipsujus^  ipseus. 

Illdrum  displaced  the  f.  illdrum.  It  came,  furthermore,  to 
be  used,  in  Romance,  for  the  dat.  m.  and  f.  tlltSy  which, 
however,  did  not  entirely  disappear.  In  parts  of  northern 
Spain  and  southwestern  France  illdrum  seems  to  have  become 
*illurumy  through  the  analogy  of  illujus,  illui. 

The  neuter  tllud  was  replaced  by  tllum:  Neue  II,  426;  R.  276. 

391.  The  popular  inflection,  at  the  end  of  the  Vulgar  Latin 
period,  was  something  like  this  (brackets  indicating  forms  not 
kept  in  Romance) :  — 

elle  elli  ella  ellu 

[ellujus]  ellejus 

elli  [ello]  ellui  elli  elle  ellei  elli 

ellu  ello  ella                                     ellu  ello 

elli  elle  ella 

ellqru  elluru}  [ellarii]  ellqru  ellurul 

elli{s)  ellqru  ^J^i-^) 

ello{s)  ella{s)  ella 

392.  When  unaccented,  these  words  tended  to  lose  their 
first  syllable  (see  §  157):  tllam  vtdes^^ tu  Vdt'  vedef^s)-^  vides 
tu  tpsam  clavem>*vede[s)  tu  'sa*  clave"l  Lui  and  lei  are 
found  after  the  seventh  century:  Franz.  9  II,  281-283. 

Ille  and  ipse  were  used  freely  as  definite  articles  from  the 
fourth  century  on:  Densusianu  177.  Ille  prevailed,  except 
in  Sardinia,  Majorca,  a  part  of  Catalonia  and  Gascony,  and 
some  dialects  on  the  south  shore  of  France.    Cf.  Franz,  p  II, 


§  395]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  165 

4.  INTERROGATIVE  AND  RELATIVE  PRONOUNS. 

N.  B.  — For  the  use  of  these  pronouns,  and  the  substitution  of  qui  for  feminine  qii(B^ 

see  §§69-70. 

393.  In  Christian  inscriptions  from  the  fifth  century  on, 
qui  takes  the  place  of  quis^  and  also  of  the  feminine  quce.  Be- 
side cujus^  cui  is  found  a  corresponding  feminine  quejus^  qiiei: 
see  Mohl  in  Zs.  XXVI,  619. 

The  combined  inflection  of  qui  and  quis^  by  the  end  of  the 
Vulgar  Latin  period,  was  probably  reduced,  in  common  speech, 
to  something  like  this:  — 


qui 

que 

qui 

cod  qued 

cuju{s) 

quejuis)  cuju{s) 

cuju{s) 

ctii 

quei 

cui 

cui 

que 

qua 

que 

cod  qued 

CO? 

qua 

CO? 

CO? 

qui 

que 

qui 

que 

cos? 

quasi 

cos? 

que 

The  genitive  was  probably  not  used  everywhere;  perhaps  it 
was  kept  only  in  Spain.  Unde  and  d^wide^  'whence,'  took  the 
meaning  *of  which':  Bon.  580. 

394.  Qualis^  inflected  like  trtstis,  was  used  as  an  interroga- 
tive pronoun  and  adjective.  In  the  Romance  languages 
{il)le  -\- qua  lis  came  to  be  employed  as  a  relative  pronoun., 

5.  INDEFINITE  PRONOUNS  AND  ADJECTIVES. 

395.  For  these,  see  §71.  Alter^  nullus^  solus,  totus,  iinus 
doubtless  developed  an  inflection  like  bonus:  gen.  nulli,  etc., 
R.  276;  dat.  solo,  ioto,  u7io,  etc.,  R.  276-277.  Alter,  however, 
assumed  a  dative  *  altrui,  on  the  model  of  illui,  etc. 


i66  An  Introduction  to-  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  398 


C.  VERBS. 
1.  THE  FOUR  CONJUGATIONS. 

396.  There  was  some  confusion  of  conjugations;  the  first 
and  fourth  were  least  affected.  In  the  Pei-egrinatio  the  second 
decidedly  preponderates  over  the  third  (BechtelSy);  in  other 
texts  the  third  gains  at  the  expense  of  the  second. 

The  second  gained  most  in  Spain,  the  third  in  Italy,  the 
fourth  in  Gaul.  Eventually  Spanish  and  Portuguese  discarded 
the  third,  Sicilian  and  Sardinian  the  second. 

New  formations  went  into  the  first  and  fourth. 

a.  FIRST  CONJUGATION. 

397.  The  first  conjugation  generally  held  its  own,  defections 
being  few  and  partial. 

Beside  do^  dant  and  sto^  stant  there  came  into  use  *  dao^ 
*  daunt  zxi^  ^  stao^  ^staunt:  Rum.  dau^  stau;  Old  It.  dao;  Pr. 
dau^  daun^  estau,  estaun;  Pg.  dou^  estou.  Mohl,  Lexique  47, 
would  connect  these  forms  with  Umbrian  stahu,  but  it  seems 
more  likely  that  they  were  late  Latin  formations  due  to  an 
effort  to  keep  the  root  vowel  distinct  from  the  ending.  Cf. 
Probus,  ^^adno  non  ad?iao,^^  Lexique  47. 

In  northern  Gaul  there  may  have  developed  with  * stao  a 
^ stats  and  a  ^ stait^  on  the  analogy  of  {^vao)^  *vais,  ^vait 
(see  §405):  cf.  Lexique  ^'j-K^^, 

The  Italian  present  subjunctive  dia  from  dare  is  associated 
by  Mohl,  Lexique  47  and  Fr.  Fers.  Fl.  30,  with  Umbrian  dla. 
It  is  entirely  possible,  however,  that  the  form  is  a  later,  Italian 
development  due  to  the  analogy  of  sia:  see  §419,  (2). 

398.  For  new  formations, — such  as  abbreviare^  follicare^ 
werrizare^  etc., — see  §§33-35.    Germanic  verbs  in  -on  and  in 


§  402] 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


167 


—an  (but  not  -Jan)  regularly  went  in  the  first  conjugation: 
rouboji'^lt.  rubare,  witan^lX..  guidare.     Cf.  §36. 

b.  SECOND  CONJUGATION. 

399.  Even  in  Classic  Latin  there  was  some  confusion 
between  the  second  conjugation  and  the  third:  ferverey  tergere. 
In  Vulgar  Latin  the  second  lost  some  verbs  to  the  third  in 
most  of  the  territory:  * ardere,  * lucere^  lugere  (R.  283), 
miscere  (R.  284),  *  moi'dh'e,  *  no  cere  ^  ^ridcre,  respondere  (Bech- 
tel  88:  responduntur^^  tofidere^  * torcere  (for  torquere).  Other 
verbs  passed  over  locally  or  occasionally:  seditur^  Bechtel  88. 

400.  Some  verbs  went  into  the  fourth,  probably  through  the 
pronunciation  of  -ej)  as  -io  (see  §224):  * coniplire,  Jiorlre  (R. 
284),  ^impltre,  *  lucire,  lugire  (R.  284),  *putrtre.  The  inchoa- 
tive -escere  ih^n  became  -Iscere :  *JIorisco,  lucisco,  *putrisco. 

Habere^  at  least  in  Italy,  sometimes  became  habire:  Vok.  I, 
266 £f.;  havite,  C.  I.  L.  V,  1636;  habibat,  Itala,  Luke  VI,  8; 
avire  in  many  Italian  dialects  in  which  e  does  not  phonetically 
become  /,  and  even  in  early  Tuscan  (cf.  E.  Monaci,  Crestoma- 
zia  italiana  dei prinii  secoli  I,  p.  20,  1.  10,  etc).  According  to 
Mohl,  Lexique  108-109,  this  is  a  peculiarity  of  ancient  Umbrian. 

401.  While  retaining  habeo^  habes,  habet^  habent^  the  verb 
habere y  under  the  influence  of  dare  and  stare ^  adopted  the  forms 
^  ho  or  *  haOj  *  has,  *  hat,  *  hant  or  *  haunt. 

c.  THIRD  CONJUGATION. 

402.  The  third  conjugation  gave  a  few  verbs  to  the  second, 
perhaps  beginning  with  those  that  had  a  perfect  in  -ui,  such 
as  cadere  *  cadui,  cape  re  *  caput,  sape?'e  sapui:  sapere  was  influ- 
enced, especially  in  Italy,  by  habere;  capere  may  easily  have 
imitated  sapere,  and  cadere  may  have  followed  capere. 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§  404 


In  Spain  all  the  third  conjugation  verbs  eventually  passed 
into  the  second.  This  transition  was  probably  helped  by  a 
partial  fusion  of  esse  and  sedere. 

403.  The  anomalous  posse  potui^  velle  vdlui  naturally  went 
over  to  the  second  conjugation,  assumed  the  infinitive  forms 
pot^re^  ^volere,  and  conformed  their  inflection  more  or  less  to 
the  regular  type.  Velle^  however,  was  discarded  in  Spain  and 
Sardinia. 

(1)  Potere^  poteham  occur  repeatedly  in  the  sixth  century 
{Pr.  Pers.  PI.  24),  potebo  is  found  in  the  GL  Peich.,  potehas 
in  Fredegarius  (Haag  60).  Posso  for  possum  is  used  by 
Gregory  and  Fredegarius  i^Pr.  Pers.  PL  2^),  poteo  is  attested 
in  745  A. D.  {Pr.  Pers.  PL  25).  The  present  indicative  must 
have  been  inflected  something  like  this:  — 

pqssii  Pqsso  poteo  ^pqsseo  ^potemuis) 
PoJe{s)  poteste{s)  *potete{s) 

*poie{t)  posstmif)  *pqtefi(t) 

The  present  subjunctive  must  have  had  corresponding  forms. 

(2)  Volimus  is  found  in  the  sixth  century  {^Lat.  Spr.  478), 
volemus  in  the  seventh  (/V.  Pers.  PL  21);  voles  is  found  in 
the  GL  Reich.  Volesfis,  framed  on  the  pattern  of  potestis^  is 
twice  used  by  Fredegarius  {Pr.  Pers.  PL  21).  The  present 
indicative  forms  must  have  been  something  like  this:  — 

*voJeo  vqlimu{s)  volemu{s) 

vqle{s)  voleste{s)  *volete{s) 

*vgle{t)  *vqlen{t) 

The  present  subjunctive  must  have  been  similarly  inflected. 

404.  Beside  facere  there  doubtless  existed  *fare  {Facei-e  48), 
strongly  influenced  by  dare  and  stare.  Dare  and  face}'e  were 
associated  in  old  formulas:  Lexique  53.  Furthermore,  a  sug- 
gestion of  shortening  existed  in  the  monosyllabic  imperative 


§405]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  169 

fac  (also  fa:  Zs.  XXV,  735),  which  must  have  led  to  *fafe 
beside  fadte.  The  present  indicative  certainly  had  several 
sets  of  forms,  one  series  being  on  the  pattern  of  the  first  con- 
jugation, but  the  present  subjunctive  retained  its  old  inflection 
(see  Facere  72,  121;  Zs.  XVIII,  434):  — 

facto    *fao     *fo  fdciimi{s)  *fdimus  *famu{s) 

face{s)  *fais    *fas  fdcite{s)     *fditis  *fate{s) 

face(f)  *fait    *fat  faciim(t)    *faicnt  *fant 

There  was  also  a  rare  infinitive  facire,  which  occurs  several 
times  in  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries:   Facere  13. 

405.  Vadere  supplied  its  missing  past  tenses  from  ire  and 
other  verbs.  These  other  substitutes,  whose  origin  constitutes 
one  of  the  most  discussed  problems  in  Romance  philology,  re- 
sulted— to  cite  only  the  principal  types  —  in  the  verbs  *  allare 
or  alare  (used  in  northern  Gaul),  * atmare  (used  in  southern 
Gaul),  ^ andare  (used  in  Spain  and  Italy).  It  is  now  generally 
thought  that  *allare  and  *  aiinare  developed  in  some  peculiar 
way  (perhaps  through  distortion  in  military  commands)  from 
ambulare^  which  is  very  common  in  late  Latin  in  the  sense  of 
*  march'  or  'walk.'  *  Andare  is  commonly  traced  to  *  amhitare^ 
coming  either  from  ambitus  or,  more  probably,  from  ambulare 
with  a  change  of  suffix.  C.  C.  Rice,  in  the  Publications  of  the 
Modern  La?iguage  Association  of  America  XIX,  217,  argues  that 
the  three  verbs  sprang  from  Latin  annare  {=adnare)  and  its 
derivatives  *  annulare,  *  annitare.  For  a  bibliography  of  the 
subject,  see  Korting.    Cf.  also  A.  Horning  in  Zs.  XXIX,  542 ; 

H.  Schuchardt  in  Zs.  XXX,  83;  Lexique  56-78.  Both  ambu- 
lare and  alare  occur  in  the  Gl.  Reich.  Am?iavit  is  found  on  a 
sixth  century  African  vase:  see  F.  Novati  in  Studi  Medievali 

I,  616-617. 

Ire  and  the  other  substitutes  were  introduced  also  into  the 


170  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§408 

present.  The  present  indicative,  moreover,  was  influenced  by 
facere  fare :  — 

vado      *vao    *vo  vddimu{s)    it}m{s)  etc. 

vade{s)  *vais  *vas  vddite{s)      items')  etc. 

vade{t)  *vait  *vat  vadrcn{i)    *vatcnt  *vant 

406.  Verbs  in  -io  tended  to  pass  into  the  fourth  conju- 
gation (see,  however,  §416):  ^ caplre^  beside  ^capere;  cupire^ 
Lucretius  {Lat,  Spr.  477),  Densusianu  148,  Bon.  ^26  \  fodiri^ 
Q2Xo\  fuglre^  St.  Augustine  (Za/.  Spr.  477),  common  in  the 
Vulgate  (R.  285),  Sepulcri  229,  Bon.  427,  Haag  60,  Gl.  Reich.; 
moriri^  Plautus,  and  ^morire. 

Some  others  went  over,  at  least  locally:  ^fallire;  gentire, 
Pirson  148;  occurire^  Pirson  148;  *  offerire^  *  sofferire^  by  the 
analogy  of  aperire  {sufferit^  R.  286;  of.  deferet,  offeref^  Bechtel 
90;  offeret^  first  half  of  the  7th  century,  Carnoy  112);  ^ sequtre^ 
beside  ^sequere. 

DicerCy  probably  in  the  Vulgar  Latin  period  (cf.  Lexique  62), 
developed  a  form  ^  dtre^  doubtless  suggested  by  die  (cf./<^^and 
*fare,  §404)  2,nd  helped  by  the  analogy  of  audire, 

d.  FOURTH  CONJUGATION. 

407.  The  fourth  conjugation  usually  held  its  own,  and 
gained  some  verbs  from  the  others. 

For  new  formations,  —  such  as  ^  abbelltre^  igmre,  —  see  §  34. 
Germanic  verbs  in  -Jan  regularly  went  into  the  fourth  conjuga- 
tion in  Latin  (Kluge  500):  furbjatty^lt.  forbire ;  marrja7f:>Yr, 
marrir;  parrjan  >  Fr.  tarir;  warnjan  >  It.  guarnire.    Cf.  §  36. 

For  the  intrusion  of  the  inchoative  -sc-  into  this  conjuga- 
tion, see  §  415. 

2.  FUNDAMENTAL  CHANGES  IN  INFLECTION. 

408.  Of  the  personal  forms  of  the  verb  there  remained  in 
general  use  in  Romance  only  the  following  tenses  of  the  active 
voice,  the  entire  passive  inflection  having  been  discarded:  the 


§  4io]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  171 


indicative  present,  imperfect,  perfect,  pluperfect,  and  in  some 
regions  the  future  perfect;  the  subjunctive  present,  pluperfect, 
and  in  some  regions  the  perfect;  the  imperative  present.  For 
instance:  amo^  amabam,  amavi,  amaram^  {^amaro)\  ajneniy 
amassem^  {amarim)\  ama.    See  Syntax. 

Of  the  impersonal  forms  of  the  verb  there  remained:  the 
present  active  infinitive,  the  present  participle,  the  perfect 
participle,  the  gerund  (especially  the  ablative  case),  and 
probably  in  some  standing  phrases  the  gerundive.  For  in- 
stance: amare^  amans,  amatus,  amando^  {ama?idus?).  The 
supine  fell  into  disuse  from  the  first  century  on.    See  Syntax. 

409.  The  entire  passive  inflection  came  to  be  replaced, 
towards  the  end  -of  the  Vulgar  Latin  period,  partly  by  active 
and  reflexive  constructions  but  mainly  by  a  compound  of  the 
perfect  participle  with  esse'  (in  northern  Italy  fieri):  littera 
scribttur';^ lijtera  scrip ta  ejt  (or  fit). 

Deponent  verbs  became  active :  mentire,  operare,  etc.,  R.  298 ; 
cf.  R.  297-302,  388-389.  Conversely,  some  writers  substituted 
the  deponent  for  the  active  inflection  of  a  few  verbs:  Petronius, 
rideriy  etc.,  R.  304;  cf.  R.  302-304. 

Cf.  §§112-114. 

410.  The  Latin  perfect  was  kept  in  its  preterit  sense.  In 
its  perfect  sense  it  was  replaced,  in  the  Vulgar  Latin  period, 
by  a  compound  of  habere  and  the  perfect  participle  —  in  the 
case  of  neuter  verbs,  esse  and  the  perfect  participle:  feci^ 
habeo  factum;  reverti^  reversus  su7n,  R.  289.  Similar  com- 
pounds replaced  the  pluperfect  and  the  future  perfect.  See 
§§ 121-124. 

The  old  pluperfect  indicative  {amdram,  aiidiram)  was  kept, 
as  a  preterit  or  a  conditional,  in  various  regions:  see  §124. 
In  the  subjunctive  the  pluperfect  was  used  instead  of  the 


172  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  [§411 

imperfect,  which  disappeared  everywhere  but  in  Sardinia  {fa- 
cheret,  etc.):  amdrem'P' amdssem^  audirem^audlssem ;  cf.  §  118. 

The  old  future  perfect  —  amd{ve)ro  —  fused  with  the  per- 
fect subjunctive  —  amd{ye)rim  —  and  apparently  remained 
more  or  less  in  use,  as  a  future  indicative  or  subjunctive,  in 
all  regions  except  Gaul  and  Raetia.  It  is  best  preserved  in 
Spanish  and  Portuguese,  but  is  found  also  in  Old  Rumanian 
and  Macedonian.  There  are  traces  of  it  in  Old  Italian, 
sometimes  confused  with  the  pluperfect  indicative  and  later 
sometimes  with  the  infinitive  {dpriro,  poteriy  credere^  etc.):  see 
C.  De  Lollis  in  Bausteine  i;  V.  Crescini  in  Zs.  XXIX,  619. 

411.  The  old  future,  with  the  exception  of  ero^  was  crowded 
out  by  the  present  and  by  new  formations,  especially  by  the 
infinitive  combined  with  the  present  indicative  of  habere 
{amdbo^  amar'  habeo):  see  §§125-129.  In  this  compound 
all  the  various  forms  of  the  present  indicative  of  habere  were 
used  (see  §§273,  401):  ^amar'  -dbe^o^  -dyo,  -do,  -6;  *amar^ 
-dbe(s),  -as;  *amar'  -dbe(f),  -dt;  ^ amat^  dben^t),  -dunfy 
-ant.  In  the  first  and  second  persons  plural,  habemus  and 
habetis  eventually,  as  they  came  to  be  regarded  as  mere  end- 
ings, were  reduced  to  -emu{s),  -ete^s),  to  correspond  to  the 
dissyllabic  or  monosyllabic  -dyo,  -dbe{s),  -dbe{t),-dben{t)  and 
— <?,  —ds,  -dt,  -dnt:  ^ amar*  —€mu[s),  ^ amar^  —ete{s). 

On  the  model  of  this  new  future,  an  imperfect  of  the  future, 
or  conditional,  came  to  be  made,  in  late  Vulgar  Latin  and 
Romance,  from  the  infinitive  combined  with  the  imperfect  or 
the  perfect  of  habere  (see  §130):  * amar'  ~abe{b)a{m)  or 
^ amar''  -abui.  In  these  formations  the  unaccented  {h)ab- 
disappeared,  as  in  the  first  and  second  persons  plural  of  the 
future:  ^ amar'  -e{b)a,  ^ amar''  -(sti,  etc. ;  but  ^ amar'  dbui,  etc. 
In  Italian  we  find,  beside  -ta  from  habebam  and  -dbbi  -ebbi 
from  habui^  a  form  in  -ei  {amerei),  which  has  prevailed  in  the 


§414]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  173 


modern  language,  while  in  Old  Italian  the  ei  was  sometimes 
detached  and  used  as  a  preterit  of  avere:  it  is  probably  due  to 
the  analogy  of  the  first  person  singular  of  the  weak  preterit 
(^credei^  hence  crederei),  cf.  §426. 

412.  The  imperative  disappeared,  except  the  present,  second 
person  singular  and  plural:  dmd,  amdte;  tene,  tenete;  credc^ 
credite;  audi,  audite.  The  first  and  third  persons  were  supplied 
from  the  present  subjunctive.  In  some  verbs  the  present  sub- 
junctive was  used  instead  of  all  imperative  forms.    See  §  115. 

Instead  of  the  plural  form,  the  second  person  plural  of  the 
present  indicative  came  to  be  used:  adfcrte'^  adferitis,  R.  294. 
For  the  monosyllabic  die,  due,  fae,  writers  sometimes  employed 
dice,  duce^face:  R.  294. 

3.  INCHOATIVE  VERBS. 

413.  The  Latin  inchoative  ending  -seo  was  preceded  by  d-, 
€-,  f-,  or  0-.  The  types  -dseo  and  -dseo  were  sparingly  repre- 
sented and  were  not  extended  in  late  and  popular  Latin;  they 
have  bequeathed  but  few  verbs  —  such  as  Pr.  irdisser <^ird5ecre, 
eondisser <,eo{g)ndseere  —  to  the  Romance  languages.  The 
types  -eseo  and  -tseo  —  as  parcsco,  dorviiseo  —  were  extended 
in  the  third  century  and  later,  and  lost  their  inchoative  sense. 

414.  There  is  some  evidence  of  a  confusion  of  -eseo  and 
-iseo  in  Latin.  Virgilius  Grammaticus  (Sepulcri  194)  mentions 
double  forms  of  inchoative  verbs,  such  as  ealeseo  ealisco,  etc. 
Clariseo,  erubiseo,  etc.,  are  common  in  Gregory  the  Great: 
Sepulcri  193.    Cf.  eriseere,  etc.,  in  Vok.  I,  359  ff. 

In  Veglia,  the  Abruzzi,  Sardinia,  and  a  part  of  Lorraine 
neither  of  these  two  endings  left  any  trace.  Only  -eseo  sur- 
vived in  the  Tyrol,  the  Grisons,  French  Switzerland,  Savoy, 
Dauphine,  Lyons,  the  Landes,  Beam,  and  Spain  —  Sp.  parecer. 


174 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§  416 


florecer;  -esco  was  preferred  also  in  Rumanian.  Elsewhere, 
although  there  are  traces  of  -esco^  -isco  prevailed  —  Fr.  il 

fleurit^  \\..  fiorisce.  For  Pr.  despereissir,  etc.,  see  E.  Herzog  in 
Bausteine  481. 

415.  The  ending  -isco  eventually  entered  into  the  formation 
of  the  present  stem  of  fourth  conjugation  verbs.  There  is  no 
direct  evidence  of  this  in  Latin,  nor  are  there  any  traces  of  it 
in  Spanish,  Portuguese,  Sardinian,  or  southern  Italian;  but  in 
the  earliest  texts  of  France,  northern  and  central  Italy,  Raetia, 
and  Rumania  we  find  a  type 


The  ~sc-  then  generally  disappeared  from  the  infinitive — It. 
Jiorire.  Later,  in  some  regions,  the  -sc-  was  carried  through- 
out the  present  indicative  {Yx.  finissons^  finissez)\  it  also  pene- 
trated the  present  subjunctive  {Yx.  finisse)^  and  in  some  dis- 
tricts eventually  the  present  participle  and  the  imperfect 
indicative  (  Fr.  finis sant^  finis sais  ) . 

See  Archiv  I,  465;  Zs,  XXIV,  81;  Rom,  XXX,  291-294; 
LaU  Spr.  478. 


416,  Many  verbs  in  -io  dropped  the  /  whenever  it  was  fol- 
lowed by  another  vowel.  In  the  present  participle  this  was  a 
regular  phonetic  development  (see  §225):  audie7ite?n'^* au- 
dente,  facientem  >  *facente,  partientem  >  ^partente^  seiitientem  > 
^ sentente.  Hence  forms  without  the  /  were  introduced  more 
or  less  into  the  indicative  and  subjunctive:  audio  * audo^ 
^  dormo^  partiunt  ^ partunt,  sentiam*  sentam^  etc. 

By  the  analogy  of  these,  the  e  was  occasionally  lost  in  the 
second  conjugation:  video  ^vido.    On  the  other  hand,  by  the 


'^finisco 

*Jiftisce{s) 

*Jiiiisce{f) 


yinimu{s) 
jfiniie{s) 
*Jinisaiii{i) 


4.  PRESENT  STEMS. 


§419]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  175 


analogy  of  capiunf,  faciunt^  etc.,  the  second  conjugation  ad- 
mitted such  forms  as  *  habeunt^  *  videunt^  etc.,  beside  the  regu- 
lar habent^  vident^  etc. 

417.  The  verbs  struere,  trahere^  vehere  developed  infinitive 
forms  * stnigere^  t?'dgere,  vegere  (^tragej-e  and  vegere  are  used  by 
Fredegarius,  Haag  34)  and  a  whole  present  and  imperfect 
inflection  with  -g-^  as  *t?'agOy  *iragam,  * tragebam.  The  guttural 
was  derived  from  the  perfect  indicative  and  the  perfect  parti- 
ciple —  struxi  stnutus,  traxi  tractus^  vexi  vectus  —  on  the 
analogy  of  ago  actus^  figo  Jixi^  lego  lectus^  rego  rexi  rectus,  tego 
tectus,  and  also  Jingo  finxi  fictiis,  tango  tactus,  and  probably 
cingo  cifixi  cinctus,  jungo  junxi  junctus,  pa?igo  panxi  pajictus, 
plango  planxi  planctus,  ungo  imxi  unctus,  etc. 

There  may  have  been  also  * stnicere,  *  trdcere,  *ve'cere,  based 
on  the  analogy  of  dico  dixi  dictus,  duco  duxi  ductus. 
Cf.  Substrate  VI,  131. 

418.  The  verbs  dare,  debere,  dicere,  facere,  habere,  posse, 
stare,  vadere,  vclle  underwent  considerable  changes  in  the 
present:  see  §§273,  397,  401,  403-406,  412,  416. 

419.  Esse  was  made  into  *essere,  to  bring  it  into  conformity  ^"^-"^ 
with  the  usual  third  conjugation  type.  Considerable  alterations 

were  made  in  the  present  indicative  and  subjunctive.  For  the 
use  of  fieri  for  esse,  see  §409.  The  Spanish  use  of  sedcre  for 
esse  is  probably  later  than  our  period. 

(i)  The  present  indicative  shows  some  signs  of  a  tendency 
to  normalize  its  erratic  inflection  by  making  all  the  forms  be- 
gin with  s.  The  old  esuvi  cited  by  Varro  i^Pr.  Pers.  PL  128) 
went  out  of  use.  Italian  sei  and  Rastian  ses  point  to  a  *  scs 
beside  es;  Italian  siete  and  Raetian  siede,  etc.,  indicate  a  *  setis 
for  estis,  while  there  is  some  evidence  of  an  alternative  *sutis 
on  the  model  of  suvius;  Old  Italian  se  for  e,  Provencal  scz  for 


176 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


esy  usually  understood  as  reflexive  forms,  may  go  back  to  *  set 
and  *sest  for  est.  In  the  first  person  plural  sumus  became 
sumus  and  simus  (see  §220);  sumus^  the  usual  Classic  form, 
was  preferred  in  Spain,  Portugal,  northern  Gaul,  and  the  Tyrol 
(Sp.  somos,  Old  Fr.  sons^  etc.);  simus,  which  was  used,  accord- 
ing to  Suetonius,  by  Augustus,  and  by  various  purists  of  the 
Augustan  age  (Stolz  58),  prevailed  in  southern  Gaul,  Italy, 
Dalmatia,  and  Dacia  (Pr.  sem^  Old  It.  semo,  etc.):  cf.  Lat.  Spr. 
479;  Fr.  Fers.  Fl.  130;  Rovt.  XXI,  347.  Provengal  esmes<C 
*esinus  seems  to  be  a  new  formation  on  the  analogy  of  estis; 
Mohl,  Fr.  Fers.  Fl.  135,  would  derive  it  from  old  estmus,  which 
existed  with  estim.  The  present  indicative  inflection  was 
doubtless  something  like  this  :  — 

sgm  sqmu{s)    semu{s)  *esmu{s) 

^st  *set}  *sesi?  sont 
(2)  In  the  present  subjunctive  the  analogy  of  other  third 
conjugation  verbs  tended  to  introduce  the  characteristic  vowel 
a.  It  is  likely,  too,  that  from  early  times  there  was  a  recipro- 
cal influence  of  Jzam^  etc.,  and  the  Old  Latin  optative  stem,  etc. 
(cf.  Lexique  51):  fiet  is  common  for  yf/,  Pirson  150;  fiam  re- 
places sim  in  northern  Italy  and  Dacia.  Hence  comes  an 
alternative  inflection  * siam^  etc.,  which  ultimately  prevailed:  — 

sent  *sea  smi2i{s)  sid?nic{s) 

sis    ^sea{s)  site{s)  *sidte[s) 

set     seaif)  sent  *secm{t) 

For  Stat,  see  sead  in  Vok.  II,  42.    Siamus,  according  to  Lai, 

Spr.  478,  occurs  in  Italian  documents  of  the  eighth  century. 

5.  IMPERFECT. 

N.  B.  —  For  the  loss  of  the  imperfect  subjunctive,  see  §  ii8. 

420,  The  endings  were  —dbam,  —ebam,  —iebam,  —ibam.  In 
the  third  conjugation  -iebam  regularly  developed  into  -ebam^ 


§423]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  177 

just  as  -ientem  >  -entem  ( see  §§225,416):  faciebam  >  *facebam. 
In  the  fourth  conjugation  -icbavi  and  -ibam  existed  side  by- 
side  from  early  times  (Neue  II,  445),  -ibam  —  as  in  muntbam 
—  being  common  in  early  Latin  and  recurring  at  later  periods 
(Lindsay  491);  -ibam,  which  stressed  the  characteristic  vowel 
of  the  fourth  conjugation,  prevailed  in  popular  speech,  and 
—iebam  disappeared:  vesHbat,  etc.,  Dubois  277-278. 

421.  Habebam,  pronounced  a^e^a  (cf.  §318),  developed 
another  form,  *  a^ea,  probably  through  dissimilation.  Hence 
came  an  alternative  ending  -ea  for  -e^a,  which  in  Romance 
was  widely  extended,  affecting  all  the  conjugations  but  the 
first:  It.  vedea^  credea^  sentta.  It  is  common  to  nearly  all  the 
Romance  territory  except  Rumania:  Lat.  Spr.  479. 

6.  PERFECT. 

422.  We  must  distinguish  two  types,  the  weak  and  the 
strong:  the  weak  comprises  the  v-  perfects  in  which  the  v  is 
added  to  a  verb-stem  {-dvi,  -evi^  -ivi),  the  strong  includes  all 
others.  Verbs  of  the  first  and  fourth  conjugations  generally- 
had  weak  perfects,  those  of  the  second  and  third  had  mostly 
strong.  Only  six  verbs  —  all  of  the  second  conjugation  and 
most  of  them  rare  —  regularly  had  a  perfect  in  -evi:  deleo^fleOy 
neoy  -oleo,  -pleo,  vieo;  silevit  for  siluit  occurs  also,  R.  287. 

All  first  and  fourth  conjugation  verbs  with  strong  perfects 
probably  developed  a  weak  one  in  Vulgar  Latin:  prcestiti^ 
prcestavi,^.  289;  salui^  salivi.  For  further  encroachment  of 
the  weak  type  on  the  strong,  see  §426. 

a.  WEAK  PERFECTS. 

423.  A  tendency  to  keep  the  stress  on  the  characteristic 
vowel,  and  also  a  general  inclination  to  omit  v  between  two  /'s 
(see  §  324),  led  early,  in  the  fourth  conjugation,  to  a  reduction 


178  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


of  -ivistl  to  -tsti  and  -ivistis  to  -zstisy  which  brought  about, 
still  early,  the  further  reduction  of  -tvl  to  -u  and  *-u,  -ivit  to 
-lit  and  *-f/7,  -iverunt  to  -ierunt^  and,  later,  the  reduction  of 
-ivimus  to  -imus  and  probably  ^-Immus  (the  lengthening  of 
the  m  being  due  to  compensation  and  also,  perhaps,  to  a  desire 
to  distinguish  the  perfect  from  the  present).  For  -tit,  as  in 
lenuff  see  Servius  ad  Aen.  I,  451;  for  —ierunt^  see  Neue  III, 
452-454;  for  -imus,  as  in  repetlmus,  etc.,  see  Neue  III,  449. 

Then  a  contraction  of  the  two  vowels  gave,  in  the  first  and 
third  persons  singular  and  the  third  person  plural,  -tt, 
^-irunt:  audi,  Neue  III,  434  (cf.  S.  241:  65-121  a.d.);  petity 
etc.,  Neue  III,  446-448;  ^^cuptt  pro  cupivit,"  Priscian  XII, 
17  (Keil  II,  587);  perity  petit,  redit.  Bayard  60;  perit,  etc., 
Bon.  440. 

A  contraction  without  the  fall  of  in  the  third  person  sing- 
ular, gave  rise,  locally,  to  an  alternative  form,  *-iut:  It. 
servio,  etc. 

424.  The  loss  of  V,  carried  into  the  first  conjugation,  gave 
rise  early  to  a  reduction  of  -dvistl,  —dvzstis,  —dveru7it  to  —dsti, 
—dstis,  —drunt.  Much  later  —dvi'^-di,  —dvif^^^dit  and  ~dt, 
^dvtmus^—dmus  and  probably  ^—dmmus:  calcai  (Pfobus), 
edificai,  probai  {VrobvLs),  Vok.  II,  476;  arcyvai,  Densusianu  I, 
152;  —  laborait,  C.  I,  L.IL,  216;  speclarait,  Vok.  II,  476;  dedi- 
cait,  Lexique  46;  '■'•furndt  pro  fumavit,^^  Priscian  XII,  17  (Keil 
II,  587);  denumerat,  judicat,  Fredegarius  (Haag  55); — ccelebra- 
musy  memoramus,  vocitamus,  Gregory  of  Tours  (Bon.  440); 
speramus,  Fredegarius  (Haag  55).  The  third  person  singular 
in  -ait  is  found  in  Old  Sardinian:  Lat.  Spr.  479. 

A  contraction  without  the  fall  of  v  gave  rise,  in  the  third 
person  singular,  to  -aut;  and,  in  the  first  person  plural,  prob- 
ably to  ^-aumus:  triumphant  in  Pompeii,  Densusianu  I,  152. 
This  -aut  prevailed  in  Romance :  It.  amb  and  amdo^  etc.  The 


§  426]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


179 


*-aumus  is  preserved  in  some  Old  French  dialects  near  Douai: 
Rom,  XXX,  607. 

425.  The  forms  in  the  first  and  fourth  conjugations,  there- 
fore, were:  — 

~dvi  —di  —tvi        *-{i  -ii  -i 

-dsti  -isti 

-dve{t)       -dut         -dit  -dt  -}ve(t)     ^-fut      *-ut  -iit  -ft 

—dvim2i{s)  -dmu(s)  *-dm7nu{s)  *-dtinius  -ivimtiis)  -z'mu(s)  *-/mmu(s) 

—dste{s)  -iste{s) 

-drun{t)  *-irtm{t) 

With  the  exception  of  -ivi  in  Old  Italian,  the  forms  with  v 
were  not  preserved  in  Romance. 

Verbs  in  -evi  doubtless  had  a  similar  inflection:  *  delete 
delestl^  etc.  Some  other  second  conjugation  verbs  apparently 
adopted  this  perfect:  silevit^  R.  287. 

426.  Compounds  of  dare  had  a  perfect  in  -dtdi  (^credidly 
perdidl^  vendidl^  etc.),  which  in  Vulgar  Latin  became  -dedi 
(see  §  139):  perdedit,  etc.,  Audollent  544.  This  -dedi  was  ex- 
tended to  many  other  verbs  in  -d-:  prandidi^  Keil  IV,  184; 
descendidi,  respondidi^  Lat.  Spr.  ^yg,  480;  asce7ididerat^  descen- 
didif,  ince7idedej'it,  odedere,  pa7idideru?it^  prendideruTit^  videderunt 
(cf.  edediderit  with  an  extra  -de-)^  R.  288. 

Through  the  analogy  of  -di,  *-ei,  *-U,  helped  by  dissimila- 
tion, this  -de^di  became  *-deJ.  Hence  arose  eventually  an  inflec- 
tion *-dei,  *—destif  ^—^i^t  * -dem(^m)ti[s),  *-deste{s),  -deru?i(^t), 
from  which  there  came  a  set  of  endings  *-eiy  *-es^i,  etc.,  cor- 
responding to  the  -at  —asti,  etc.,  and  the  —isti,  etc.,  of  the 
first  and  fourth  conjugations:  so  caderuiit,  Gl.  Reich.  In  some 
of  the  Romance  languages  these  endings  were  carried  into 
other  verbs  of  the  third  and  even  the  second  conjugation  (It. 
battei,  Pr.  cazit^\  in  Proven9al  they  invaded  the  first  also 
i^atnei).    In  Dacia,  on  the  other  hand,  they  apparently  did 


i8o  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  428 

not  develop  at  all.  In  Italy,  under  the  influence  of  stetti<C 
^stetuiy  dare  had  (beside  diedi <,dedi)  a  perfect  dejti^  whence 
arose  an  inflection  -dettiy  etc.,  and  a  set  of  endings  -etti^  etc., 
beside  -dei  and  -ei. 

Through  these  endings  the  weak  type  encroached  some- 
what on  the  strong.  In  Italy  all  strong  verbs  except  esse 
introduced  weak  endings  in  the  second  person  singular  and 
the  first  and  second  persons  plural:  It.  presi,  pj-eiidesti^  etc.; 
oi.  plaudisti  for  plausisti^  R.  286,  also  vincistiy  Gl.  Reich.  In 
Rumania,  where  there  was  no  -dei^  the  -ui  and  -si  types  were 
extended. 

A  few  weak  verbs  adopted  strong  inflections:  qucesivi^ 
*gucesiy  sapivi^  sapui, 

b.  STRONG  PERFECTS. 

427.  There  are  three  types  —  those  that  add  u  to  the  root, 
those  that  add  s^  and  those  that  have  nothing  between  the 
root  and  the  personal  endings:  plac-u-i,  dlc-s-i  —  dixi^  bib-i. 
In  the  first  class  the  u  lost  its  syllabic  value  and  became  w 
(cf.  §326):  placivi^  etc. 

428.  The  -ui  type,  according  to  Meyer-Liibke,  Gram.  II, 
357,  included  from  the  start  not  only  perfects  of  the  placui 
sort,  but  also  all  perfects  in  -vi  not  made  from  the  verb-stem 
(cf.  §422),  —  such  as  cognovit  crevi^  movi,  pdvi^  —  this  ending 
being  pronounced  wui^  but  written  vi  to  avoid  the  doubling  of 
the  V.  At  any  rate,  the  development  of  the  vi  indicates  that 
it  was  sounded  wiii,  wwi^  or  ^wi  in  Vulgar  Latin:  cf.  It. 
conobbij  crebbi,  etc.;  Pr.  mo^c^  etc. 

This  perfect  disappeared  from  the  first  and  fourth  conjuga- 
tions: crepui';>* crepaviy  necui^  necavi^  etc.;  aperui^^ aperii 
*apersi,  salui"^  salivi  salii  *salsi,  etc     In  the  second  and 
[  third  conjugations  it  maintained  itself  very  well :  cognovit  crevi^ 


§430]         -^^  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  i8i 

geinui{}')y  messui(^})^  molni^  movi^  pavi^  ienui,  texui.  It  lost 
posui  i^posi),  silui  {^silevi)^  and  possibly  a  few  others.  On 
the  other  hand  it  received  many  additions:  Mbi^^ bibui; 
cecidi^*  cadui  *cadedi;  ccpi"^  capui^  Haag  56,  Lat.  Spr.  479 
(so  *recipui)\  expavi'^  expabui,  Lat.  Spr.  479;  legi'^*  legui 
*lexi:  natus  sum^^^nacui;  pepcrci'';>parcui,  R.  288;  sapivi^ 
sapui;  sedi"^* sedui ;  steti'^dAso* stetui;  sustuli^*iolui* ioisi; 
texi'^  iexiii^  Lat.  Spr.  479;  z'<?/// >  also  ^venui;  7vV/ >  also 
*vincui  *vinsi;  z7^//>-also  *vtdui  *vidui;  z^Jjt:/ >>  also  *viscui; 
etc.  Cf.  A.  Zimmermann  in  Archiv  XIII,  130;  Zs.  XXVIII,  97. 

429.  Of  the  -si  class,  —  which  comprised  perfects  in  -si,  ^^wii 
-ssi,  and  -xi,  —  some  thirty-five  were  preserved :  arsi,  cinxiy 
clausiy  coxi,  divisi,  dixi,  duxi,  excussi,  Jinxi,  Jixi,  frixi,  ju7ixi, 

luxi,  mansi,  misi  (also  *missi,  perhaps  on  the  model  of  missies, 
cf.  §  163),  mulsi,  pinxi^  planxi,  pressi,  rasi^  rcxi^  risi,  rosi,  scrip  si, 
sparsiy  -stinxi,  strinxi,  struxi,  tersi,  tinxi,  torsi,  traxi,  unxi,  vixi. 
Sensi,  however,  became  *  sentii. 

In  Vulgar  Latin  there  were  perhaps  some  thirty  or  more 
new  formations:  abscd{?i)si,  Keil  VII,  94;  *  accc{ii)si; 
*apersi;  *attinxi;  *copersi;  *ciirsi;  * defe{?i)si;  *crsi  from 
erigo ;  *fraftxi;  *fiisi;  *impinxi;  *lexi;  *mdrsi;  *occisi; 
^offersi;  *pe{n)si;  persi,  Lat.  Spr.  480;  posi,  R.  288;  *pre{n)- 
si;  *punxi;  *qucesi;  * redempsi;  * respd{ti)si ;  *rdsi;  *salsi; 
*sdlsi;  *siirsi;  *  taxi,  *ta?ixi;  *tc{?i)si;  *tdlsi;  *vinsi; 
*  vdlsi.  Some  of  these  —  *  defensi,  *fusi,  *  morsi,  *  occisi,  *pe?isi, 
^prensi,  *responsi,  *rosi,  *  tensi — assumed  the  s-  perfect 
through  having  an  s  in  the  perfect  participle. 

Cf.  Einf.  §165. 

o 

430.  Among  the  -i  perfects,  the  reduplicative  formations 
were  discarded  in  Vulgar  Latin,  with  the  exception  of  dedi  and 
sieti  (also  *stetui),  whose  reduplicative  character  was  no  longer 


l82 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§  431 


apparent ;  compounds  of  dare  usually  formed  their  perfect  like 
the  simple  verb  (cf.  §426;  but  circumdavit  in  Gl.  Reich,), 
while  compounds  of  stare  tended  to  follow  the  regular  first 
conjugation  model  i^pi'cestiti^ prcestavi^  R.  289).  Cecidi  be- 
came *  cadiii  or  *  cadedi;  fefelli  >  ^falii;  peperci  >  parcui, 
R.  288.  The  other  reduplicative  perfects  either  disappeared 
or  passed  into  the  -si  class:  cucurri'^^ cUrsi;  momordi^ 
^morsi;    pependi  ^ pe(^n)si ;    pup ugi  ^  ^ punxi ;    teiefidi  ^ 

*  te{  n  )  si;  tetegi  >  ^  taxi  *  tanxi. 

The  other  perfects  were  greatly  reduced  in  number  in 
Vulgar  Latin.  Some  simply  disappeared,  some  became  weak, 
some  went  over  to  the or  the  -si  type:  egi,  verti;  fiigi^ 
*fugii;  Mbi  >  *  Mbui^  cepi  >  capui^  legi  >  *  legui,  sedi  >  *  sedui; 
accendi >  *  acce{^  n ) si,  defendi  >  *  defei^  n  )  si,  fregi >  ^franxi,  fiidi 
>>  ^fusi,  legi'^  *  lexi,  prendi"^  ^ prei^n)si,  solvi'P'  *  solsi,  vlci^ 

*  vinsi,  volvi  >  '*  vdlsi.  There  were  no  additions.  Two  of 
the  old  perfects  maintained  themselves  intact,  and  two  more 
were  kept  beside  new  formations:  feci,  fui;  vcni^venui,  vidi 

*  vidui. 

431.  In  fui  the  u  was  originally  long,  but  it  was  shortened 
in  Classic  Latin;  Vulgar  Latin  seems  to  show  both  ic  and 
In  an  effort  to  keep  the  accent  on  the  same  syllable  throughout 
(cf.  §§ 423-424), y>^z'j'//> *fusti,fuistis^^fustis;  then fmmus 
generally  became  ^fum{m)us,  fuit  was  often  shortened  to 
^fut,  and  fuerunt  became  ^furunt.  There  may  have  been  also, 
through  dissimilation,  a  form  ^forunt. 

The  prevailing  inflection,  with  some  variations,  was  probably 

something  like  this :  — 

f^i    foi  *fgm{m)u{s) 
*fgsti  ^fqste{s) 

/?^{^)  fi^^i^)         *f^^       *fgrunit)  *furun{{)  */orun{t)}  fgerun{t)} 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  183 


7.  PLUPERFECT  AND  FUTURE  PERFECT. 

432.  When  preserved  at  all,  these  tenses  followed  the  old 
types:  pldcueram  (cf.  §  137),  placutssem,  pldcuero;  dixeraniy 
dixtssem,  dixero;  feceram^  fecissem^  fecero.  In  formations  from 
weak  perfects  only  the  contracted  forms  were  used:  amdrarriy 
amdssem^  amdro;  delera?n^  delessem^  delero;  audt{e)ram,  aiuiJs- 
sem^  audl(e)ro;  cf.  alaret,  07'taret  in  GL  Reich.  Bayard  60-61 
notes  that  St.  Cyprien  employed  only  the  shortened  forms  — 
petisset^  etc.  —  before  ss. 

433.  In  some  regions  a  tendency  to  keep  the  accent  on  the 
same  syllable  throughout  the  pluperfect  subjunctive  led  to  a 
change  of  -assemus^  -as setts,  etc.,  to  *-dssimus,  *-dssiHs,  etc.: 
It.  amdssimo  amdste,  Sp.  habldsemos  habldseis;  but  Pr.  amesse'm 
amessetZy  Fr.  aimassidns  aimassih. 

8.  PERFECT  PARTICIPLE. 

434.  Verbs  which  had  no  perfect  participle  were  obliged  to 
form  one  in  order  to  make  their  passive  and  their  perfect 
tenses:  ferio,  *feritus. 

435.  In  the  first  conjugation  -dfus  was  preserved  and  was 
extended  to  all  verbs:  frictus^fricatus ;  7iectus^necatus ;  sec- 
tus^  secatus ;  so  the  new  alatus,  Gl.  Reich.  The  ending  -itus, 
in  the  first  conjugation,  generally  fell  into  disuse:  crepitus^ 
*crepatus;  domitus^  domatus,  R.  295;  plicitus^ plicatus ;  soni- 
tus'^*  sonatus ;  t07iitus^^  tonatus ;  vetifus"^  vetatus,  R.  296. 
Nevertheless  there  were  some  new  formations  in  ~ttus:  *  levi- 
tus,  provttus,  rdgitus,  vocttus;  cf.  Lat.  Spr.  480. 

In  the  third  conjugation  -dius  disappeared :  oblatus  >  offertus 
{Gl.  Reich.),  sublatus^* suffertus,  by  the  analogy  of  apertus, 
copertus;  sublatus  (from  tollo)'P'tdllitus  i^GL  Reich,). 


184  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.         [§  439 

436.  In  the  fourth  conjugation  -Itus  was  preserved  and  was 
extended  to  nearly  all  verbs:  saltus':>*salitus;  sensus^^ sentitus; 
sepultus^  sepelltus^  old  and  found  in  all  periods,  Pirson  152, 
Gl.  Reich.  Apertus  and  copertus,  however,  were  kept;  and 
ventus  generally  became  ^venutus. 

In  the  third  conjugation  qucesitus^^  qucestus. 

437.  In  the  second  conjugation  the  rare  -etus  disappeared 
as  a  participial  ending:  completus,  etc.,  were  kept  only  as  ad- 
jectives. 

438.  The  ending  -utus^  belonging  to  verbs  in  -uere  and 
-vere  (^argutus,  consutus^  minutus^  secutus^  solutus^  statutus^  tri- 
butusy  volutus),  offered  a  convenient  accented  form,  corres- 
ponding to  -dtus  and  -itus.  It  was  extended  to  nearly  all  the 
verbs  that  had  an  -ui  perfect:  * bibufus,  * habutus,  *parutus^ 
^tenutusj  ^venutus,  ^vidutus^  etc.;  but  status.  It  did  not  al- 
ways, however,  entirely  displace  the  old  perfect  participle: 
natus  was  kept  beside  *  nascutus. 

Eventually  -utus  was  carried  further,  —  as  *credutusy  ^per- 
dutusy  *ve?idutus,  —  and  in  Sicily  encroached  largely  on  -itus. 

On  the  other  hand,  *mdvttus  and  *mdssus  were  formed  be- 
side * movutus,  ^ sdlvttus  (or  ^ sdltus)  beside  solutus^  ^vdlvitus 
(or  ^vdltus)  beside  volutus. 

439.  The  ending  -ztus  tended  to  disappear  (cf.  §435): 
absco7iditus > absco {n) sus ;  bibitus'^ *bibutus ;  creditus^ *credu- 
tus;  fugitus  >  *fugitus;  molitus  >  *  molutus;  paritus  >  ^paru- 
tus  ^parsus;  perditus  ""^^ perdutus  ^persus;  submoniius"^ 
* submo(n)sus ;  venditus^* vendutus.  A  few  of  these  partici- 
ples, however,  remained,  and  there  were  some  new  formations 
in  -itus:  gemitus'iy  pds{i)tus,  sdlitus ;  ^ levitus^  * movitus^  prdin- 
tuSy  rogitus,  ^ sdlvitus  (or  ^ soltus^^  tdllitus^  vocitus,  *vdlvitus 
(or  ^vdltus). 


§  44i]         An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


185 


440.  The  ending  -ius  was  kept  for  some  twenty  verbs,  oc- 
casionally with  a  change  of  stem:  ductus ;  dictus;  ductus;  ex- 
stinctus;  f actus;  fictus  JinctuSy  R.  295;  fr actus  *franctus;  /ric- 
tus; lectus;  mistus;  pictus  *pinctus;  punctus;  rectus;  scrip tus; 
strictus  *  strinctus ;  structus;  *  surtus  for  surrectus;  tactusl 
* tanctush^  tiiictus;  tortus;  tractus.  There  were  a  few  new  for- 
mations in  -tus:  offertus^  *qu(Estus,  * suffertus^  ^ vistus ;  and 
perhaps  * sdltus^  *vdltus  (cf.  §439). 

About  fifteen  verbs  probably  replaced  -tus  by  -dtus,  -ttus, 
or  —utus:  captus  *capitus;  cogiidtus^^ cojioviiiust^  C7'etus^ 
*crevutus'i\  fartus'^  *farcitus  and  farsus,  Lat.  Spr.  480;  /rictus 
>  fricdtus;  motus  >  *  movutus  ?  and  *  7ndssus;  nectus  >  necdtus  ; 
pastus"^* pavutust'^  saltus^* salitus  and  *salsus;  sectus'^ 
secdtus;  sepultus  >  sepelltus ;  teutus  >  *  tenutus;  texus  >  *  texu- 
tus;  ventus';>*  veniitus  and  venitus,  Bechtel  91;  victus'^*  vin- 
cutus  and  *vinctus;  victus'^*  vixutiis. 

441.  The  ending  -sus  was  generally  kept:  acc€(?i)sus;  ar- 
sus;  clausus;  defe[ji)sus;  divisus ;  excussus;  Jixus ;  fusus; 
ma{n)sus;  missus,  also  perhaps  *misus  by  the  analogy  of 
misi;  morsus;  pe(^n)sus;  pre(n)sus ;  pressus;  risus;  rosus; 
sparsus;  te[?t)sus;  iersus ;  to(^ii)sus;  Z7V?/J-,  also  probably  *  z^/j- 
tus.  Several  of  these  developed  also  a  participle  in  -utus: 
* pendutus,  *vidutus,  etc.  Sa/sus,  'salted,'  maintained  itself 
beside  salitus. 

A  few  verbs  replaced  the  old  form  by  one  in  -itus  or  -utus: 
expansus  >  *'  expandutus ;  falsus  >  *fall'itus;  fusus  >  fundutus, 
Gl.  Reich.;  gavisus'^*gaudutus ;  messus^  metitus,  Dubois  282  ; 
sens  us  >  *  sentitus  ;  sessus  >  *  sedutus. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  were  some  new  formations  in  -sus: 
absco{n)sus,  Keil  VII,  94,  Lat.  Spr.  480,  R.  295  (very  com- 
mon); farsus,  Lat.  Spr.  480;  *7nossus;  *parsus;  *persus; 
*salsus;  * submo{7i)sus. 


i86 


An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin. 


[§  447 


9.  PERSONAL  ENDINGS. 

442.  For  the  reduction  of  -io  to  -0,  see  §416. 

443.  Meyer-Liibke,  Grundriss  P,  670,  assumes  that  in  Italy 
^ds  and  -es  became  The  evidence,  historically  considered, 
does  not  support  this  view.  Italian  lodi  and  Rumanian  lauzi^ 
from  laudas,  are  correctly  explained  by  Tiktin  565-566  as 
analogical  formations. 

444.  As  unaccented  e,  and  z  came  to  be  pronounced  alike 
(§243),  great  confusion  ensued  between  -es  and  —hy  —et  and 
-it.  This  confusion  is  very  frequent  in  the  Peregrinatio :  Bech- 
tel  88-89,  <^olligety  etc. 

445.  In  southern  and  to  some  extent  in  northern  Gaul  the 
first  person  plural  lost  its  final  perhaps  in  the  Vulgar  Latin 
period:  videmus'^Yx.  vezim.  This  is  not  a  phonetic  phe- 
nomenon, as  -s  did  not  fall  in  this  region.  It  may  be  that 
-s  was  dropped  because  it  was  regarded  as  a  characteristic  of 
the  second  person,  as  /  was  of  the  third  (cf.  Pr.  Pers,  PI, 
73-80):  — 

dmo  *amdm\i 
dmas  amdtes 
dmat  dmani 

446.  According  to  Mohl,  Pr.  Pers.  PL,  forms  like  * cdnomus^ 
due  to  Celtic  influence,  were  used  in  northern  Gaul  instead  of 
canimusy  etc.;  then  the  accent  was  shifted  to  the  penult  — 
^ canomusy  whence  came  the  French  -ons.  This  theory  has 
not  found  acceptance. 

447.  In  strong  perfects  the  first  person  plural,  -zmus,  — 
through  the  analogy  of  -tstis  and  -tsti,  and  doubtless  of  weak 
perfects  as  well,  —  tended,  perhaps  after  our  period,  to  stress 
its  penult:  fectmus'^Vx.  fezem.  There  are  traces  of  this  in 
liscriptions  and  elsewhere:  S.  47,  53.    The  shift,  however, 


§  45°]  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.  187 


was  not  universal,  as  there  are  in  Italian  and  French  remains 
of  the  original  accentuation. 

448.  In  the  present  indicative  and  imperative,  -imus^  —ttis, 
—ite  generally  became,  in  the  sixth  or  seventh  century,  -emu^s)^ 
—efe(^s)^  -ete^  —  the  penult  assuming  the  accent,  to  match 
—dmu{s^j  -d/e(s),  -ate  and  -emti(^s)^  -ete(^s)^  —ete  and  -tviu^s), 
tte{s),  ite  in  the  other  conjugations.  The  shift  was  perhaps 
helped  by  the  analogy  of  the  future — mittimus^  for  instance, 
being  attracted  by  mittcmus:  Pr.  Pers.  PL  30,  64.  Rumanian, 
however,  kept  the  old  accent  (Tiktin  596):  ungem,  uiigetj ;  vin- 
dem^  vtndeti;  etc.  There  are  some  traces  of  its  preservation 
in  southeastern  French  dialects  also.  Furthermore,  facimuSy 
Jacttis  and  dlcimus,  dicitis  kept  their  old  forms  in  many  regions. 

449.  For  the  reduction  of  -iunt  to  -tint,  see  §416.  Beside 
-ent,  in  the  second  conjugation,  there  was  an  ending  *-eunt 
(*habeunt,  etc.),  —  due  to  the  analogy  of  -iunt,  — which  was 
particularly  common  in  Italy:  cf.  §416. 

The  endings  -ent  and  -unt  came  to  be  very  much  confused 
{^credent,  *vidimt,  etc.);  their  interchange  is  frequent  in  the 
Peregrinatio :  Bechtel  88-90,  absolvent,  accipieiit,  extent,  respon- 
dunttir,  etc.  According  to  Mohl,  Pr.  Pers.  PL  112,  the  con- 
fusion goes  back  to  early  Italic.  The  Classic  distinction  was 
best  kept  in  Gaul  and  northern  Italy;  in  Spain  and  Portugal, 
Sardinia,  and  a  part  of  southern  Italy,  -cut  prevailed;  in  cen- 
tral and  the  rest  of  southern  Italy,  Ra;tia,  Dalmatia,  and 
Dacia,  -unt  was  preferred. 

450.  In  the  perfect,  the  third  person  plural  ending  -ere  was 
discarded.  The  ending  -ertint,  in  Classic  Latin,  sometimes 
had  a  short  e  {c  is  common  in  the  comic  poets,  Virgil  wrote 
tulerunt,  etc.);  in  Vulgar  Latin  this  vowel  was  apparently  al- 
ways short:  debuerunt,  dixerunt,  viderutit.    Cf.  §137. 


INDEX. 


N.B.  —  Arabic  numerals  refer  to  Paragraphs.  Words  printed  in  Roman  type 
belong  to  ancient,  words  in  italics  to  modern  languages. 


a  194-5,  228,  229  (i),  231, 

240,  243,  244 

accented  39,  194-5 

-arius  39 

ja->  je-  229  (i) 

unaccented  228,  229(1), 
231,  240,  243,  244 
-a  37 
a  181 

ab  14,  77,  92 
before  j  222 
before  s     cons.  230 

ab  78 
ab-  26 

ab-  >  au-  236 

ab  ante  47,  48 

abbellire  18,  34 

abbio  273 

abbreviare  25 

abbreviatio  37 

abeo  =  habeo  251 

abias  224 

abiat  224 

abiete  224 

-abilis  39 

ab  intus  47 

abitat  251 

Ablative  92-7,  383 
abl.  absolute  97 
abl.  =accus.  94-6 

aboculare  26 

ab  olim  47 

abs-  28 

absconsus  439,  441 


absida  356  (3) 
absolvent  449 
abyssus  149 
ac-  24,  65 
accedere(m)  309 
accensus  441 
Accent  134-58 
primary  135-52 
Greek  words  143-50 
other  foreign  words 

15 1-2 
shift  136-8, 140 
ficatum  141 
nouns  367 
numerals  142 
recomposition  139 
verbs   423-4,  43i' 
433,  447-^,  450 
vowels     in  hiatus 
136-8 
secondary  153-5 
unstressed  words  156-S 
Accented    Vowels :  see 

Vowels 
accepere  201 
acceptabilis  39 
accipient  449 
accubitorium  37 
-accus  37 

Accusative,  82, 94-6, 98-9, 
373,  3^3 

acc.  =  abl.  94-6 
acc.  -I-  infin.  82 
acc.  pi.  in  -us  244, 355(1) 

189 


acer  arbor  43 
-aceus  37 
acia  355  (2) 
-acius  37 
a  contra  47 
a(c)qua  164 
Acqui  86 
Acragas  330 
ac  si  83 

ac  sic  24,  47,  84 
acua  =  aqua  223 
-aculare  35 
aculionis  367 

ad  14,  78,  86,  90,  93,  96,  98 

ad  =  at  282 

ad-  23,  25 

adaptus  23 

adcap(i)tare  25 

addedi  139 

addormire  25 

adferitis  (imper.)  412 

adgenuculari  25 

ad  horam  47 

adimplere  30 

Adjectives 

comparison  56,  377 

declension  374-9 

numerals  378-82 
unus  (article)  57 
adjutare  34 
ad  mane  47 
adnao  397 
adparescere  34 
adpetere  32 


190 


Index. 


adpretiare  25 

aiio  222 

alumnu  (nom.)  372 

adpropiare  25 

-aio  39  (-arius) 

am  78 

ad  semel  47 

aios  =  ay  LOS  272 

amadus  =  -t-  286 

ad  sero  47 

Aix  86 

amantis  (nom.)  367 

adsteti  139 

ajutit  =  adjutet  272 

amho  424 

ad  subito  47 

-al  37 

amaricare  34 

adtonitus  32 

alacer  195  (i) 

ama(t)  285 

ad  tunc  47 

alare  405,  435 

ambitare  405 

ad  ubi  47 

alauda  19 

ambolare  232 

aduc  250 

alaudula  37 

ambulare  10,  232,  405 

adulescentulus  37 

alba  spina  43 

amei  424 

adunare  25 

alberca  19 

amenus  215 

Adverbs  73-5 

albeus  317 

amfora  334 

se  174,  178,  209-10,  228, 

albor  =  arbor  292 

amicicia  276 

243,  244 

-ale  37 

amido  187 

accented  1 74, 1 78, 209-10 

alecer  195  (i) 

amis  tat  154 

unaccented  174, 178, 243, 

Alesander  255 

amita  239,  359,  359  (i) 

244 

alevanti  =  eleph-  321 

amitane  359  (i) 

-ae  =  -€  174,  244 

Alexander  38,  255 

amitanis  359 

secclesia  228 

algtiem  71 

amma  16 

aedis  366 

algttien  71 

amnavit  405 

aegis  188 

-alia  37 

amb  424 

aeliens  =  eligens  259 

alicer  195  (i) 

a  modo  47 

aeques  =  8-175 

alicunus  71 

amozireite  37  (-ittus) 

aequus  =  e-  175,  210 

alid  =  aliud  71 

ampitzatru  277 

aeteneris  =  itineris  201 

alio(r)sum  291 

ampora  334 

^Ethiopia  188 

alipes  =  ad-  281  (i) 

amurca  186 

aeum  =  aevum  324  (1) 

aliquant!  71 

amure  203 

a  foras  47 

aliqui  71 

amygdalum  19 

a  foris  47 

aliquis  13,  71 

an  II,  14,  83 

agennae  =  -nd-  281 

aliquot  71 

-an  36 

agere  =  ajere  259 

-aHs  39 

-av  36 

aggio  273 

alium  224 

anangi  331 

aggravatio  37 

alius  71 

anathema  19 

Agneti  359  (2) 

allare  405,  435 

anathematizare  19 

agnetus  =  -na-  194 

allegorizare  19 

anc  40 

-ago  37 

alleviare  34 

anc  =  banc  251 

Agragas  330 

allium  274 

anc  a  343 

Agrientum  259 

a  longe  47 

ancilia  187 

agurium  228 

alques  71 

ancora  150,  187 

agustas  228 

alter  71,  233,  395 

-ancus  37  (-incus) 

Agustus  228 

altiare  34 

-anda  37 

ahenum  250 

altior  377 

andare  405 

ai      ae  ^  e  209 

altissimus  377 

an  data  37  (-ta) 

ai  188 

altitia  37 

Andreani  359  (i) 

Aiax  188,  222 

alto  (adv.)  40 

Andreate  359  (2) 

aiglon  37  (-0) 

altra  233 

andron  331 

Aiiax  222 

altrui  395 

anellus  37,  42 

T  XT       XT  V 

anemis  232 

apud  14,  78,  282 

ascendiderat  426 

-aneus  39,  42 

aput  282 

ascetes  182 

angelice  40 

aqua  164,  223 

ascla  284 

angelus  19 

aqiiilotto  37  (-ottus) 

asculta  228 

Ajigers  86 

-ar  37 

a  semel  47 

angliscus  39 

Arbonenca  37  (-incus) 

a spar go  31 

angostia  208  (i) 

arbor  (masc.)  346  (4) 

aspectare  25 

anguil(l)a  163 

arb(o)rem  235 

Aspirates  249-52,  265 

ang(u)lus  233 

arboricellus  153 

aspra  233 

angustiare  34 

ardente(m)  309 

-asse  161 

Anicius  276 

ardere  399 

-assem  161 

animabus  358 

ardire  343 

-^ssemus  433 

animaltco  37  (-icca) 

-are  (infin.)  33,  34,  36, 

-^ssetis  433 

Anitius  276 

397-8 

Assibilation  277-8,  260-1 

Annanis  359 

-are  (nouns)  37 

Assimilation  229  (3),  255, 

annare  405 

ares  =  aries  225 

264,  265,  267,  269,  282, 

annata  37  (-ta) 

aretem  225 

293-  307,  3^o»  315 

Annenis  359 

argentum  259 

Asti  86 

annitare  405 

-aria  37 

astula  284 

annotavimus  =  -bi~-  318 

-aricius  39 

at  II 

annulare  405 

arida  (noun)  13 

at  =  ad  282 

anos  =  annos  247 

ar(i)dorem  219 

-ata  37  (-ta) 

-ans  39 

ar(i)dus  237 

-aticum  37 

anser  13 

aries  225,  255 

atque-  24,  65 

anta  239 

ariex  =  -s  255 

atque  ille  24 

ante  96 

-aris  39 

atque  ipse  65 

antemittere  46 

-aris  >■  -alis  292 

atque  is  65 

antestetis  (nom.)  367 

-arius  39 

atrium  12 

-antia  37 

armeisc  184 

atta  16,  359  (i) 

anticus  226 

armentas  352 

Attane  359  (1) 

aniicfiie  184 

-aro  39  (-arius) 

atticissare  33 

antiphona  184 

Aroncianos  276 

attinxi  429 

anus  —  annos  244 

arrespex  =  haruspex  251 

Attitta  37  (-ittus) 

-anus  39,  42 

Arrius  251 

-attus  37 

Aorist  124 

arroser  356  (3) 

at  ubi  48 

apcha  343 

arsi  429 

-atus  37  (-ta),  39,  42 

aperii  428 

arsus  441 

participle  435,  440 

apersi  428,  429 

artemisia  184 

au  178,  211-3,  228,  229  (7) 

apertus  436 

arlctico  184 

accented  17S,  211  -3 

apotheca  182 

arthriticus  184 

unaccented  228,  229  (7) 

apothecarius  39 

Article  57,  68,  392 

au  >  0  229  (7) 

apparescere  35 

artic(u)lus  234 

au  189 

apfo  78 

arvorsum  =  adversum  281 

auca  13,  236 

apprendere  12 

(2) 

aucellus  13,  325 

dpriro  410 

arvum  >  arum  226 

aucidere  212 

apsens  315 

-as  38 

audace  (nom.)  367 

apsolvere  315 

-as  >  -i  443 

audi  =  audivi  227,  423 

apte  =  -■at  244 

ascella  =  axilla  42,  255 

audiendu'st  309 

192 


Index. 


aud(i)entem  416 
aud(i)o  272-3,  416 
audivi(t)  285 
audus  236 

-aumus  =  -avimus  424 
aunc(u)lus  234,  236,  324 
Aureia  =  -elia  274 
Aureliati  359  (2) 
aurora  11 

aus  =  avus  241,  324 
ausare  18,  34 
ausculum  —  osc-  212 
Austus  263 
aut  174 

aut  .  .  .  aut  84 
-aut  =:  -avit  424 
autem  11,  14 
Authorities  5 
autor  266 
autumnal  (e)  242 
auyo  272-3 
av-  ^  au-  236,  241 
avaricia  276 
avec  78 

avello  —  averlo  293 
-avi      -ai  424 
avica  13,  236 
avicella  37, 42,  325 
av(i)dere  219 
avidus  236 
aviolus  13 
avis  13 

avis  struthius  43 
avire  400 

-avit      -ait  -at  -aut  241, 
424 

avo  =  avus  362 
avus  13 

ayo  —  habeo  273 

b:  see  Labials 
baboni  362 
bac(c)a  163 
bacito  37  (-ittus) 
bac(u)lus  234 
Baiocasses  151 
bajulus  233 
Baleria  =  Va-  316 


Balerius  =  Va-  316 
bal(i)neum  146,  219 

balneus  347 
ballaena  150,  162,  333 
balneum  146:  balneus  347 
balteum  -us  347 
bannus 19 
baplo  235 
baptidiare  339 
baptisma  149 
baptizare  19,  33,  339 
baptizatio  19 
barba  -anis  359,  359(1) 
barbane  359(1) 
barbar  242 
barbo  -onis  359(1) 
barbutus  42 
baro  16 
bassiare  275 
bas(s)ium  163 
basso  40 
battalia  16 
battel  426 

ba(t)t(u)ere  137,  226 
Bayetix  151 
bel(l)ua  164 
Bellus  -onis  362 
bene  40,  74 
bene  bene  55 
benegnus  172  (2) 
bene  placitum  43 
Beneriarr  Ve-  316 
benignis  376 
benivolus  201 
berbeces  323 

berbex  (-ix)  42,  317,  323 

besternmia  182 

Betrubius  316 

beveire  37  (-tor) 

bi-  22 

bianca  341 

biber  242 

biblia  146 

bibui  428 

bibutus  438,  439 

Bictor  316 

biduanus  39 

bieta  184 


bifolco  318  (2) 
biginti  =  vi-  316,  322 
-bills  39 
bimaritus  22 
bintcente  =  vincente  260 
bis-  22 
bisaccium  22 
bisacutus  22 
bisante  187 
bis  coctum  43 
bis(s)it  =  vixit  255 
bivere  =  vi-  316 
bixit  =  vi-  316,  322 
blaesus  329 
blanche  341 
blanka  341 
blankizare  34 
blasphemare  19,  36 
blasphemia  146,  182 
blasphemus  150 
blasta  312  (i) 
blitum  184 
bobansa  336 
bobis  —  vo-  316 
boccone  37  (-0) 
bocconi  40 
Bodicca  37  (-icca) 
boletus  38,  184 
Bologna  303 
bonatus  37  (-atus) 
Bonica  37  (-icca) 
bon(i)tatem  231 
bonito  37  (-ittus) 
Bonitta  37  (-ittus) 
Bononia  303 
bonu  298 
bonus  =  -OS  244 
bonus  bonus  55 
bos  =  vos  316,  324 
botella  361 
bottega  182 
botu  =  vo-  316,  322 
botula  361 
bovis  (nom.)  367 
brac(c)a  163 
bracchiale  37 
brac(c)hium  163 
brachia  352 


Index. 


193 


branca  16 
Breaking  177 

breviarium  37 
brevis  13 
Brittanice  40 
bruchus  193 
buplicae  =  pu-  312  (i) 
bublus  235 
bubulcus  318  (2) 
buc(c)a  12,  163 
buUicare  35 
Buologfiino  154 
burrus  330 
Burrus  187 
bursa  187 
buscus  255 
bust  a  187 
but  (t)  is  163 
butyrum  150 
buxida  187,  356  (3) 
buxus  187,  330 
Byzacinus  42 

c :  see  Gutturals 

c  for  g  253 
cy  276,  278 
-c  40 

caballus  12 
cabia=:cavea  318 
cactivus  313 
cactos  313 
cadedi  428 
cadere  402 
caderunt  426 
cadui  428 

caelebramus  (perf .)  424 
caelus  347 
Caeseris  233 
caesorium  37 
caeth  313 
calamarium  37 
calamellus  37 
calamus  150 
calatus  =  ga-  330 
calcai  =  -avi  424 
calcaneum  37  (-ium) 
calce  pistare  46 
calciare  224 


calcis  (nom.)  367 
calcius  224 
calcoste(g)is  259 
caldo  40 
cal(e)facere  219 
calefacis  139 
calere  288 

cal(i)dus  155,  219,  237 
calisco  414 
cahna  268 
calolta  187 
cals  255 
calumpnia  307 
calura  42 

camel(l)us  42,  150,  163 
camera  145 
camerlingo  37  (-ing) 
caminus  150 
camisia  201  (i) 
cammarus  330 
canalia  37 
cani  (pi.)  368 
cantare  34 
capabilis  39 
capere  8,  402 
capiclus  234,  284 
capire  406 
cap(i)talis  231 
capitanus  39 
capitium  37  (-ium) 
capitulus  42,  234 
capitus  440 
capriolus  224 
captiare  34 
captio  9 
captivare  34 
captivus  313 
capud  282 
capui  428 

capum  285,  356  (3),  369 
capus  285,  356  (3),  369 
caput  13,  282,  285,  356  (3), 
369 

cardonis  (nom.)  367 
cardu(u)s  226 
carissimus  377 
caritabilis  39 
Caritta  37  (-ittus) 


carnis  (nom.)  367 
carnutus  39,  42 
caroneus  39 
carrica  11 

car(ri)care  18,  33,  231,  239 
cartas  (nom.  pi.)  357  (i) 

carum  263 
casa  12 

Cases  85-100, 354,  372,  383 

caseum  -us  347  ;  of.  163 

casotta  yj  (-ottus) 

cas(s)eus  163;  of.  347 

Cassiabus  358 

cas(s)us  161 

castaneus  346  (i) 

castellus  347 

castius  277 

castore  (nom.)  367 

cata  19,  71 

cata  unus  71 

cataveris  =  -d-  256 

catechizare  19,  33 

cat'  unus  71 

cauculus  288 

cauditus  42 

caus(s)a  161 

cavia  224 

-ce  40 

cecino  187,  330 
cedat  =  csdat  210 
cedo  162 
cedrus  182 
cefalo  334 
celeps  315 
celerus  376 
-cellus  37 
Celtic  Words  19 
ce(n)sor  311 
census  260 
centu  381 
ceperint  215 
cepi  215 

cerasus  38,  195  (3) 
cerbus  323 
cerebellum  231 
cereolus  13 
cereseus  195  (3) 
ceresus  38, 195  (3) 


194 


Index. 


/*/)  7hfi  T  tf  >t 
I'vt'U^  ^!)4 

coles  213 

V^UllfXiiV41  UIll  ^iJ^ 

/"It /J In-tv  oR5s 

clavido  236)  32^ 

rnllprtiiQ  '7'7  /— 

Chstngc  of  lV[63.ning  8— lo 

ClBpatra  19^ 

colli(g)ens  259 

\/llcLUgC  Ui  OUUlJk  4^ 

^r/^r^:  154 

cui^^n;gere  31,  139,  ^59, 

chan(n)e  163 

305,  444 

chartaceus  39 

Clcricd.1  Pro&unciEtion 

colliget  444 

chcT  263 

^t5^   '^>cn-^  -^^n  ^   o'if\  0*7*7 

CC\\ i\c\\cCiYf^  C\     IT     O'JT  0'7n 

^ivjy ^cti c  y^  0  y     3  '  Cfy 

CfltClTO  ^aUV*l 

-^9/  >  3^^  V^^j  333  V*/ 

rnJ J n  if\r\ 

chictVB  2SS 

rlprirj»i"ii<i 

v^niiperico  343 

rlpr/i^ni'i  'yc\  tCA  oic\ 
\^vcv\\)K.\x^  39)  *54?  -^3^ 

rnlnViPr  '>n5\ 

chiosu  185 

CUlUUIci  -sOO  I'^/j  217 

ClodiuS  212 

colomna  208 

cholera  145 

cloppus  16 

coloquinta  187 

^V^r^TYlTYlf^Ha  OUT 

clOSS.  212 

plllHrv  0  T  T   1  0  1 

colp  154 

— clus 

clirisiTia  1S4 

co'yyic'yi%ci7'C  276 

V'^iiirioi.ub  i^04;  33 

COf^ttTlCtCtfC  276 

206 

cos-ctum 

cominiciarB  276 

cicinus  330 

coccodrillo  294 

cominitiare  25,  153,  276 

— cillus     — C6llus  42 

coc6ns  226 

comitem  235 

cinia  38,  187 

coclearium  356  (3) 

commando  31 

cimiteriuiii  192 

coclia.  224 

cotHtncHt  41 

r'lnpf'in^  oca 

cocodrilus  294 

comm.ixtiu,s  23 

pinp^'iiQ  A  An 

cocus  226 

comodo  —  c[u.o~  226 

f\r\nt\^(cf\\nf^  oca    '7*7C\  'iJsn 
ciiiqud^gi^iiid,  ^34j  j/yj  j*^*-* 

coda.  212^  ^13 

comocdia  192 

-234,  3/y 

codex  213 

comparare  8,  12,  ^3';  ^33 

cinsum  —  ce—  196 

ccemiteriuin  192 

Comparison  56 

cinus  770 

coepi  72,  124 

comperare  231,  233 

cinxi  429 

coexcitare  30 

complacere  25 

coexcrcitatus  30 

complir©  400 

f!nTnnAiiTi/1  AXTnrilfl  ><^«>o  />J 

circar6  1 6 

cognatus  9,  269 

comprendit  2^0 

circueo  309 

rn^pf^nnsm  /CJ  to*?.  260  ^to 
^"va/^'*-'^^"  'l-jj  *y/>  J*" 

coniputare  31 

circuindavit  4.30 

cognovi  428 

computus  235 

cognusco  197 

cotfinfid  376 

/V»\  i^ra  "jR  '91^ 

cciVx  aprprp  ^  t  0 

cohors  i2j  310 

concha  186 

citrus  329 

coicere  310 

concupiscencia  276 

ciurma  191 

coiiugi  271 ;  cf.  311 

condam  254 

-cius  39 

cojectis  311 

condedit  139 

civ(i)tas  i^,  231 

cojugi  311 ;  cf.  271 

conder(e)  242 

clamantis  (nom.)  367 

colaphizare  19 

condicio  276 

clarisco  414 

coI(a)p(h)us  19,  148,  154, 

conditio  276 

aai(u)dius  211  (i) 

186,  237,  330,  332 

Conditional  124, 130,411 

Index. 


195 


confessor  18 
confortare  25,  34 
conger  329 
Congianus  272 
congigi  259 

Conjugation  101-30,  396- 
450 

Four  Conjugations  396- 
407 

First  397-8 

Second  399-401 

Third  402-6 

Fourth  407 
Fundamental  Changes 

408-12 
Imperfect  420-1 
Inchoative  Verbs  413-5 
Perfect  422-31 

Strong  427-31 

Weak  422-6 
Perfect  Participle  434- 

41 

Personal  Endings  442- 
50 

Pluperfect  and  Future 
Perfect  432-3 

Present  Stems  416-9 

Use  of  Forms  101-30 
Conjunctions  82-4 
co(n)jus  255 
co(n)jux  171,255,  311 
conmittere  32 
connate  269 
conobbi  428 
conoisser  413 
conopeum  146 
conovutus  440 
conpendium  32 
conplere  306 
consacrati  31 
conservam(m)us  163 
consiensia  260,  275 
consili  227 
consilium  42 
consirier  37  (-erium) 
Consonants 

Aspirate  249-52 

Dentals  280-6 


Double:  see  Double  Con- 
sonants 

Germanic :    see  Ger- 
manic Consonants 

Greek :  see  Greek  Con- 
sonants 

Groups  131-2,  160 

Gutturals  253-70 

Labials  312-26 

Latin  246-8 

Letters  246 

Liquids  287-96 

Nasals  303-11 

Palatals  271-8 

Sibilants  297-302 
constare  31 
consuere  31,  137 
consuetudo  42 
co(n)sul  171,  311 
conteneo  139 
continari  226 
contra  96 
contra-  26 
contrafacere  26 
co(n)ventio  171 
convitare  25 
coperire  225 
copersi  429 
copertus  436 
cophinus  186 
coque  254 
coraticum  18,  37 
corbeau  323 
corbi  323 
corbo  323 
corcodilus  294 
corcodrillus  294 
cores  =  corda  369 
corium  294 
Corneius  =-elius  274 
Cornelio  (nom.)  298 
cornicula  42 

cornu  -urn -us  347,  355  (i) 
cor(o)nare  231 
corp  323 

corpes  =  corpora  369 

corpi  -ora  369 

corpo  =  corpore  356  (3) 


corpo  160 
corregia  201 
corridiae  272 
corrigo  305 
corrotulare  229 
cors  12,  310 
corso  208 
cortem  203,  225 
cortensis  39 
cortilis  39 
cortis  250 
corvo  323 
corvus  323 
cosol  311 
costumen  42 
cosul  305 
cot  254 

cotes  212 

cotidiae  244 

cot(t)idie  162,  226, 244, 254 

couleuvre  208  (2) 
court  203 
convent  311 
covenimus  311 
coventionid  311 
covetum  =  cubitum  208 
coxale  37 
coxi  429 
crebbi  428 
c  rede  a  421 
crededi  31,  139 
credens  (noun)  13,  39 
credentia  37  (-antia) 
credere  410 
credutus  438,  439 
crepatus  435 ;  crepere  194 
crepavi  428 
Crescentsianus  277 
cresco  255 
cresima  184 
cresme  184 
crevi  428 
crevutus  440 
criblare  292 
crigne  351 
c'ritare  229 
criz  206 
aocitare  35 


196 


Index. 


crocodilus  150,  294 
c'rot'lare  229 
crucifigere  46 
crudilitas  197 
-crum  37  (-culum) 
crupta  187 
cms  13 

crust  (u)lum  234 
crypta  187 

cubidus  =  cupidus  256 

cuculla  13;  of.  346  (4) 

cucuUus  -a  346  (4) 

cuerdo  369 

culcitra  294 

-culum  37,  234 

-cuius  >  -cellus  42 

-c(u)lus  42,  234 

cum  (conj.)  82,  226 

cum  (prep.)  14,  78,  95,  305 

cumba  187 

cun  =:  cum  305 

cunnuscit  269 

cuntellum  =  cul-  289  (2) 

cuoio  296 

cuopre  \(iO 

cuore  160,  177 

cupa(t)  285 

cupire  406 

cupft  423 

cup(p)a  163 

cupressus  150 

cur  12,  82 

curabit  =  -avit  318,  322 
currens  39 
cursi  429 
cursorium  37 
curvus  323 
Cusanca  37  (-incus) 
cy  276-8 

cy  =  ty  277 
cycnus  187,  330 
cyma  38,  187;  (fem.)  349 
cymba  187 
cymiterium  192 
cypressus  150 

d:  see  Dentals 
dy  272 


da  48 

dacruma  281  (i) 
dactylus  19 
dad  48 
Dafne  334 
dai  298 
dampnum  307 
Danuvium  318 
dao  397 
dare  397 
datius  324 
Dative  90-1,  383 
dau  397 
dau7i  397 
dave  48 

de  14,  48,  77,  88,  92,  95 
de-  23,  25 

de-  >>  di-  229  (2) 

deabus  358 
de  ad  48 
de  ante  48 
deaurare  23,  25 
deb  bio  273 
debeo  273 

debere  10,  72,  117,  126  (4) 

debita  37 

deb(i)tum  235,  239 
decanus  39 
dece(m)  309 

decern  et  (or  ac)  septem 
379 

dece(m)bris  306 
decemter  306 
dec(i)mus  239 
Declension  85-100,  354-76 

Adjectives  374-6 

Fall  of  Decl.  100,  372-3 

Nouns  354-73 

Shift  of  Decl.  355-6,  376 
First  357-60 
Second  361-3 
Third  364-71 

Use  of  Cases  85-100 
declivis  376 
de  contra  47 
decumus  220 
dede=  dedit  285 
de  deorsum  47 


dedi  430 
dedicait  424 
ded(i)cavit  231 
dedro  dedrot  285 
deexacerbare  30 
deexcitare  30 
defeniciones  276 
defensa  37  (-ta) 
defensi  429 
defensorius  39 
defensus  441 
deferet  406 

Definite  Article  68,  392 
de  foris  47,  81 
defuntus  267,  306 
deggio  273 
defna  324 
de  inter  48 
de  Intro  47 
de  intus  47,  48 
deltas  37 
del(i)catus  227 
delitus  198 
delta  329 
de  magis  47 
de  medio  47 
deminat  139 
Dentals 

d  272,  281-3 
dy  272 
nd>-nn  281 

Final  282,  285 

Intervocalic  283,  286 

nd  >  nn  281 

nt  285 

St  285 

t  284-6 
denumerdt  424 
deo(r)sum  291,  324 
deorsum  224 

Deponent  Verbs  113,  409 
de  post  48 
deprendere  250 
de  retro  47,  48,  292 
Derivation  20-49 
descendidi  426 
de  semel  47 
despereisser  414 


Index. 


197 


desso  62 
dester  255 
desto  225 
de  sub  48 
de  super  48 
de  sursum  47 
detti  426 
de  unde  70,  393 
deus  167 
devere  318 
devetis  318 
devidere  229  (4) 
devinus  229  (4) 
devitum  318 
dexcito  225  ;  cf .  30 
dextro(r)sus  291 
deyo  273 

dia  =  dies  355  (2),  397 
dia  397 
diabulus  38 
diaconissa  19 
Dialects  2,  3 
dibeto  196 
Dibona  318 
die  264,  406,  412 
dice  =  die  412 
dice(m)  309 
dicere  406 
dicimus  448 
dicitis  448 
dicitus  =  -g-  253 
dictus  166,  440 
dictus  =  digitus  233,  238, 
259 

-didi  >■  -dei  426 

dies  13,  167,  355  (2) 

dietro  292 

digita  351,  361 

digitus  233,  238,  253,  259 

dignus  172  (2) 

dilevit  229  (2) 

diligibilis  39 

dimmi  26^ 

dinus  =  divinus  324 

Dionigi  227 

Dionysii  227 

diosum  =  deorsum  291 

Dipbtbongization  177 


Diphthongs  177,  209-16 

32  209-10 

au  21 1-3 
eu  214 

ce  215 

ui  216 
diposisio  277 
dire  406 
directus  229 
diri(g)ens  259 
dirivare  229  (2) 
dis-  23,  25 
discere  12 
disfacit  139 
disfactus  23 
dis(je)junare  25,  229 
displacet  139 
displicina  289  (i) 
Dissimilation  167, 195  (6), 

229  (4),  254,  289  (2),  292, 

303,  421,426,  431 
distinguere  223,  226 
diia  35 1 
diu  II,  13 
diumus  13 
divisi  429 
divisus  441 
divite  (nom.)  367 
divota  229  (2) 
dixemus  232 
dixi  429 
dodecim  225 
doga  186,  333 
dolor  (fern.)  346  (2) 
dolus  =  dolor  18,  21 
domatus  435 
domin(i)ca  239 
dominicus  9,  239 
domnani  359  (i) 
domnicellus  37 
domnicus  235 
domnina  37 
domnizare  33 
domnulus  235 
domnus  235 

domus  12 ;  (masc.  and 
fern.)  346(1);  (2ddecl.) 
355  (0 


donee  11 

dont  70 

donum  (masc.)  349 
dormio  224 
dormito  309 
dormitorium  37 
dormo  416 
dorsus  347 
dossum  291 
dou  397 

Double  Consonants  161 -4, 

247,  328 

Double  =  Single  162-3, 
247 

Double  >Single  161,328 
Single  >Double  164, 328 

Double  Forms  158 

Double  Negation  75 

Double  Prefixes  30 

doiicet  37  (-ittus) 

doiissa  376 

drachma  144 

drappus  16 

d'rectus  229 

Dreux  151 

dricto  292 

dub(i)tare  231 

ducalis  39 

ducatus  37  (-ta) 

duce  —  due  412 

ductus  440 

dui  167,  378 

dukissa  37 

dulcior  (noun)  18 

dukor  18,  37 

dume(c)ta  266 

dune  40 

d'unde  70,  393 

duo  378 

duos  138 

durare  229  (5) 

Duration  99 

duricia  276 

Durocasses  151 

duxi  429 

e  165,  177,  196-9,  etc. 
accented  165,  196-9 


Index. 


e  196-8 
e  177,  199 
17  182 

e  >  i  196-8 

e  unacc.  >  i  229  (2) 

e  >  y  224 

e  prefixed  to  s  +  cons. 

230 
e6  >  e  225 
eu  214 
ie  >  e  225 

nnaccented  219,228, 229 
(2),  232,  243,  244 
e  >  e  165 
6  >  e  165 
V  1S2 
ei83 
e-28 
-e  40 

-e>-ae  174,  244 

-e  >  -i  244,  364 

-ea  421 

eacit  =  jacet  224 
earn  =  jam  224 
-ebam :  see  -ea 
eifdi  41 1 
ecca  24 
eccam  24 
eccas  24 
ecce-  24,  65 
ecce  ego  65 
ecce  hie  24,  65 
ecce  ille  24,  65 
ecce  iste  24,  65 
ecce  nunc  65 
ecce  tu  65 
eccillam  24 
eccillud  24 
eccillum  24 
eccistam  24 

ec(c)lesia  146, 162,  182,328 

eccos  24 

eccu-  24,  65 

eccu'  'ic  326 

eccu'  ille  24,  65 

eccu'  iste  24, 65,  326 


eccum  24,  62,  65 
eccu'  sic  24 
e  contra  47 
ecus  226 
edediderit  426 
edere  13 
edificai  424 
-edo  ]>  -ido  197 
edus  =  hsedus  210 
ee  >  e  225 
effigia  355  (2) 
effondrer  356  (2) 
effrenis  376 
eglesia  256 
egloge  330 

e(g)o  60,  73,  263,  385 

ego-met-ipse  66 

et  190 

-ei  411 

-eta  146 

eiius  271 

-eiv  36 

eio  =  ejus  298 

-eiop  146 

ejus  170,  298 

elementum  231 

elephantus  38 

elex  =  ilex  200  (2) 

elifanti  (pi.)  368 

elimentum  231 

-elis  >  -ills  197 

Elision  157,  242 

-elius  >  -ilius  197 

-ellus  37,  42 

elmo  343 

elud  =  illud  201 

-elus  >■  -ellus  42 

emere  12 

encaustum  149 

Enclitics  156 

-enda  37  (-anda) 

Endings :  Personal  442-50 

enim  11 

-ens  39  (-ans) 

-€(n)simus  311 

-e(n)sis  39,  311 

-ent  >•  -eunt  416,  449 

-ent  >•  -unt  449 


-entia  37  (-antia) 
-enus     -inus  42 
eo  =  ego  73,  385 
eo  quod  82,  1 10 
eoru  309 
episcopalis  39 
epistula  144 
equus  12 

equus  =  sequus  210 
-er  >  -re  245 
-er  39  (-arius) 
erable  43 
-€re  (perf .)  450 
-ere  >  -ire  197 
eredes  251 
-erem  346  (3) 
eremus  150 
eres  251 
erga  14 
ergo  II,  14 
ericius  42 
erigere  31,  429 
-erium  37 
erminomata  191 
ero  41 1 

-ero  39  (-arius) 

ersi  429 

erubisco  414 

-erunt  450 

ervum  >-  erum  226 

ervus  (3d  decl.)  356  (2) 

-es  >  -i  443 

-es  =  -is  174,  244,  365-6, 
444 

es-  =  ex-  exs-  230,  255 

-T/S  38 

Esaram  233 

-escere  34,  35,  197,  413-4 
eschernir  341 
eschine  341 
esclate  343 

-esco  >  -isco  197  414 
escupare  255 
es(i)mus  419  (i) 
-esimus  >►  -isimus  197 
esmes  419  (i) 
espar  343 
es/>ier  343 


Index. 


espiritum  230 

exeligit  274 

esqtiena  341 

exe(m)plu  306 

esQuiver  343 

exiat  224 

essagium  255 

exient  449 

esse  112— 4,  126  (2),  4^9  (^) 

exinde  60 

esse  —  essere  4^9 

exire  3^)  266 

esse  —  sedere  402 

exodus  337 

-€sse  161 

expabui  428 

-^ssem  161 

expandutus  441 

essere  =  esse  419 

expaventare  35 

es(t^  205 

explendido  230 

estatio  230 

exquartiare  276 

estau  397 

exs—  =3  es—  230 

estaun  397 

exstinctus  440 

Estephanus  230 

exstinxi  429 

estou  397 

exsucidus  39 

cstfib UT  34^ 

exsucus  23 

esum  419  (i) 

extensa  37 

-et  =  -it  244,  444 

extimare  255 

6t  at  ubi  49 

extra—  27 

et  .  .  .  et  84 

extra buccare  27 

ittniopia  loo 

extranus  42 

etiam  11,  14,  277 

ex  tunc  47 

etsi  I  \ 

—ezza  277 

et  sic  47 

-€tus  437 

f :  see  Labials 

eu  214 

fa  264,  404 

(V  190 

fabam  320  (i) 

Eugeneti  359  (2) 

iaD(u^la  230 

— eum  37 

fac  264,  404 

eunuchizare  19 

faccia  278 

Eurus  191 

face  —  fac  412 

-eus  39 

facentem  416 

Euua  344 

facere  10,  404 

evangelizare  19 

facheret  410 

-evi  >•  -ei  424 

faciam  278 

Evidence  5 

facias  224 

ex  14,  77,  92,  95 

fac(i)ebam  225,  420 

ex-  23,  25 

facienda  37 

ex—  —  es—  230,  255 

facimus  44S 

-«x  ^  — ix  42 

facire  404 

exaltare  25 

facitis  448 

exauguratus  39 

factum  266 

excellente  (nom.)  367 

factus  440 

excoriare  25 

facul  242 

excussi  429 

fsecit  209 

excussus  441 

faedus  320  (i) 

exeligere  30,  274 

fsemina  209 

faenum  209 

fsnus  347 

fageus  39 

failla  324 

fait  266 

fallii  430 

fallire  406 

fallitus  441 

falsare  34 

falsitas  37 

familia  42 

famis  366 

fammi  264 

famul  242 

famulabus  358 

fante  311 

faor  324 

farcitus  440 

fare  404 

farsus  440,  440 

fascia  10,  275 

faselus  334 

fasena  320  (i) 

fasia  =  faciat  285 

fasiolus  224 

fata  266 

fatatus  39 

fate  404 

fatus  347 

faula  236,  318 

febrarius  226 

feced  =  fecit  282 

fec(e)ru(nt)  233 

feci  430 

fehu  343 

felicla  234 

felis  255 

fem(i)na  239 

feminabus  358 

Feminine :  see  Gender 

fcmps  356  (2) 

femus  (3d  decl.)  356  (2) 

fenire  229  (4) 

fenum  209 

ferbeo  323 

feritus  434 

ferre  12 

ferro  160 


200 


Index. 


fervere  399 

flaba  289  (i) 

fractus  440 

fervura  37 

flagrare  292 

fragellum  289  (2) 

fesit  260 

flaonis  324 

fragilis  233 

M  343 

flator  37 

fragrantia  37 

fezem  44 

flaus  240,  324 

fra(g)rare  270 

fiaba  289  (i) 

flavor  37 

Francesco  341 

fiam  419  (2) 

fletus  II 

franctus  440 

fib(u)la  235 

fleuma  268 

Frankensis  39 

ficatum  16,  141 

fleurit  414 

Frankiscus  39,  341 

ficit  197 

fletive  208  (2) 

Franko  341 

fictus  440 

floralis  292 

franxi  429 

ficus  (masc.  and  fem.)  346 

florecer  414 

frate  295 

(I) 

Florentinus  37 

fratelmo  388 

ficus  (2d  decl.)  355  (i) 

florire  400 

frat(t)re  164 

fidens  311 

florisco  400 

frax(i)nus  239;  (mc.)346(i) 

Jiele  160 

flovium  208  (2),  217 

fraumenta  268 

fiens  356  (2) 

fluviorum  224 

frecare  201 ;  cf .  256 

fieri  112,  409,  419  (2) 

foces  213 

frenum  -us  347 

fiero  160 

focus  8,  12 
fodiri  406 

fricatus  435,  440 

fiet  419  (2) 

fricda  =  frigida  238,  259 

figel  242 

folia  352 

frictus  440 

fiios  =  filios  274 

foUia  (noun)  18 

frigare  256;  cf.  201 

filiabus  358 

follicare  33 

frigdaria  219,  231 

filias  (nom.)  357  (i) 

fons  (fem.)  346  (4) 

frigdura  37 

filiaster  13 

fons  356  (2) 

Frigia  187 

filio(s)  298 

fonte  205 

frig(i)dus  166,  200  (i),  233, 

filius  155,  274 ;  =  filios  244 

fo7tz  356  (2) 

238,  259 

filix  197 

foras  81,  96 

frigora  351 

fiUio  247 

forbatre  29 

frigorem  347 

Fimes  86 

forbire  407 

frixi  429 

Final  Syllable  240-5 

Foreign  Words  19;  see 

frondifer  11 

finctus  440 

Germanic  Words  and 

frualitas  263 

finis  (adj.)  17 

Greek  Words 

fructa  351,  361 

finiscere  35 

foresia  311 

fructus  (2d  decl.)  355  (i) 

finxi  429 

for  is  81 

frundes  205 

/''343 

foris-  29 

frunza  351 

fiorentmo  154 

forisfacere  29 

frutta  351 

fioretto  37  (-ittus) 

forismittere  46 

fugii  430 

fiorisce  414 

formaceus  39 

fugire  406 

fir-  29 

formosus  161 

f  ugitus  439 

fircum  320  (i) 

formunsus  208 

fui  431 

Firenze  86 

forsitan  305 

ful(i)ca  237 

Firmus  -onis  362 

forte  40 

fumit  424 

fiscla  234 

fortescere  34 

fundus  (3d  decl.)  356  (2) 

fistula  234 

fortia  37 

fundutus  441 

fistus  197 

fortis  10 

funtes  205 

fixi  429 

fortis  fortis  55 

funus II 

fixus  441 

fossato  37  (-ta) 

fuore  160 

Index. 


201 


furbjan  407 
furma  203 
furmica  229  (6) 
fusa  351 
fusi  429 
fusus  441 

Future  125-9,  411 
New  Put.  127-9,  411 
Periphrastic  Put.  126 
Pres.  for  Put.  126  (i) 

Future  Perfect  119, 123-4, 
410,  423 

g:  see  Gutturals 

gy  272 

gabata  13,  236 
gabta  236 
gaita  343 
gaiie  343 
galatus  330 
gallina  288 
gamba  13,  263,  331 
gammarus  330 
garba  341 
garofulum  149 
garum  329 
gaudia  (sg.)  352 
gaudimoniuni  20 
gaudutus  441 
gauta  236 
gaveola  257 
gavia  16 
gee c hire  34^ 
geisla  341 
geiuna  =  je-  259 
geline  288 

gelus  (2d  decl.)  355  (i) 

gemellus  13 

gemire  406 

gemitus  439 

gemui  428 

gena  13 

Gender  345-53 
Fern,  and  Neut.  351-3 
Masc.  and  Pern.  346 
Masc.  and  Neut.  347-50 
Neut.Pl.>Pero.Sg.352 
Neut. Pron. and  Adj.  350 


genesis  148,  183 
Genitive  88-9,  383 
genitores  12 
genitus  17 
genna  229  (i) 
gentilis  17 
gentis  (adj.)  17 
gen(u)arius  =  jan-  259 
genuculum  37,  42 
genuflectere  46 
genum  355  (i) 
Gepte  259 
gequir  343 

Gerapolis  =  Hier-  259 
gerbe  341 

Germanic  Consonants 
340-4 
b,  c,  g  341 
p  342 

h  343 

w  344 
Germanic  Endings  36 
Germanic  Words  19,  152, 

340-4 
Germanissa  37 
Gerund  104 
Gerundive  105 
gesso  187 
gesta  (sg.)  3S2 
g'g'-i  341 
341 

gigantem  229  (3) 
g'uiQccJiioni  40 
Giovannoni  362 
giret  187 
girus  187 
giscle  341 
glacia  355  (2) 
Glacus  211  (i) 
gladium  347 
glanderia  39 
glatz  355  (2) 
Glauc6  -6nis  359 
Glaucu  (nom.)  372 
glirem  166 
glos(s)a  161,  185 
gluria  203 
glut(t)ire  162 


glut(t)o  163 

gnajus  324 
gocciare  276 
gcerus  187 
golosus  228 
gonger  329 
goide  177 
gracilis  233 
gracilus  376 
grada  351 
gradus  355  (i) 
grandis  12 
granditia  37 
graphium  145 
grassctto  37  (-ittus) 
grassus  257 
gratis  =  cratis  257 
gravare  34 
gravior  377 
grece  210 

Greek  Accent  143-50 
Oxy  tones  144 
Paroxy  tones  145-6 
Proparoxytones  147-50 

Greek  Consonants  327-39 
/3,  7,  5  329 

AC,  TT,  T  330-1 

^,  0,  X  332-4 
Liquids  335 
Nasals  336 

i  337 

f 338-9 
Greek  Endings  36,  3?;,  146 
Greek  Vowels  180-93 

Diphthongs  188-93 

Single  Vowels  180-7 
Greek  Words  19,  36,  38, 

143-50, 180-93,327-39 
greii  40 
gievior  377 
grevis  195  (4) 
grex  (fem.)  346  (4) 
grossior  377 
grotta  1 87 
gruis  (nom.)  367 
grunnio  281 
guarirc  344 
guarnire  36,  407 


202 


Index. 


guatare  343 
gubernamentum  37 
gubernare  36,  330 
guerra  344 
guidare  36,  398 
guiderdone  342 
guisa  344 
gulo  37 

gumma  -i  -is  38,  186,  330 
gustus  (2d  decl.)  355  (i) 
guttur  (masc.)  347 
Gutturals  253-70 

c  >  c'  258,  260-1 

c>g  256-7 

c,  g  before  back  vowels 

263 

c,  g  before  cons.  265-70 
c,  g  final  264 
ct  266 

g>g' 258-9,  261 
g  intervocalic  263 

gm  268 

gn  172  (2),  269 
gr  intervocalic  270 
gy  272 
k253 
net  267 

Palatalization  258-62 

qu254 

so  >  sc'  260 

X  255,  266 
gylosus  228 
gyrus  187 

h  249-52 

h  >  k  252 
habam  =  fabam  320  (1) 
habe  =  ave  318 
habe(b)am  421 
habeo  273 

habere  10,  121-4,  127-30, 
239»  273,  285,  400,  401, 
421,  438,  449 
haber  242 

habe(t)  285 

nabeunt  416,  449 

habibat  400 

habire  400 


hocsies  277 

h^bu.Gr3,t  137 

nriHiP  o^TO 

habutus  438 

JtdchcyccB  39 

homni  (pi.)  3^^ 

hsEcius  320  (i) 

}i3,mu.l3.  235 

honera  251 

Ii3,nc3-  343 

hcifzchc  343 

hofitc  342 

h3.nt  401 

hora  12,  185 

hao  401 

hordeum  272 

hpniJi  TO  '7A 1 

horrescGTB  i i 

h3,r3.rn  251 

hortesia  311 

hardir  343 

hospitale  12 

hardjan  343 

hossa  251 

harcns,  320  (i) 

hostium  251 

h3,rib6rguin 

has  401 

gdnem  152^  362 

nar  401 

htiilc  274 

hatire  36 

humerus  12 

hatjan  36 

humiUare  34 

Huott  152,  362 

haunitha  342 

haunjan  19 

i  165,  200—1,  etc. 

haunt  401 

accented  200-1 

havite  400 

1  200 

hn.%  ICC  l'>\ 
nu^  J3i 

i  201 

i     e  201 

iicmi  34j 

e  ^>  i  201 

hcly^ic  343 

i  ^*  i  165,  200 

hepatia  19 

i  ^>  e  201 

here  219,  244 

1     i  ^*  e  165,  201 

heredes  (sg.)  367 

i  (cons.)  222 

heremum  251 

i       V  "yyA 
1  ^  y  ji^^ 

hibernus  13 

I  (Greek)  184 

hie  63—4,  67—8 

-t  (Greek)  38 

hie  ipse  64 

ie  ^  e  225 

ii  ^  i  227 

hiens  —  iens  251 

prefixed  to  s  -f-  cons.  230 

hilerus  233 

unaccented  219, 221, 228, 

hinsidias  251 

229(3)  (4))  240, 243, 244 

hircum  320  (i) 

in  hiatus  222,  224-5, 

his-  =  is-  ins-  230 

227 

hispatii  =  spatii  230 

i  >  e  229  (4) 

historia  146 

1  >  a  229  (3) 

ho  40 

-ia  37,  146 

hoc  63,  163,  350 

-la  37,  146 

Index. 


203 


-iamus  224 
-iare  33,  34 
-ibilis  39 
-ibo  125 
-ic  251 
-ica  37 

-icare  33,  34,  35 
-icca  37 
-iccus  37 
-icem  42,  346  (3) 
-iceus  37,  39,  42 
-icius  37,  39,  42 
icse  313 
-iculare  35 
-iculus  42 
-icus  39 
idem  6t,  309 
id  ipsum  62,  350 
idolum  150,  igo 
-idus  39 
-i(d)yare  339 
i6  >  e  225 

-iebam  >  -ebam  225 ;  > 

-ibam  420 
-ie(n)s  311 
lenubam  259 
-ier  39 
-iere  39 

-ies  >  -ia  335  (2) 

iesta  =  gesta  259,  352 

ifer  311 

iferi  311 

iferos  306,  311 

ifimo  311 

ifra  311 

-igia  277 

igitur  II,  14 

ignire  33 

ignis  12 

ignotus  310 

-igo  37 

ii  unaccented  >  i  227,  423 
-ilis  39 
-ilius  42 
iliac  140 
illae  (dat.)  390 
illaei  390 
illcejus  390 


ille  10,  61-8,  389-92 
illei  390 
ille  ipse  64 
illejus  390 
illi  =  ille  390 
illic  140 
illo  (dat.)  390 
illorum  —  suus  387 
illud  >  ilium  282,  350 
illui  390 
illujus  390 

ilium  =  illud  282,  350 
illurum  390 
-illus  >■  -ellus  42 
im=:  in  310 
imaginarius  39 
imbecillis  376 
immudavit  256 
Imperative  11 5-6,  412 
impinguare  25 
impinxi  429 
implicat  139 
implire  400 
-imus  >■  -imus  447-8 
in  86,  92,  95,  96.  97 
in-  23,  25 

in  -f-  s  >  is  310 
inanimatus  23 
in  ante  47,  48 
incendiderit  426 
Inchoative  Verbs  400, 

413-5 

inclausus  139 

incohare  250 

in  contra  47,  48 

incudo  42,  370 

incuminem  42 

incus  42 

-incus  37 

inde  60,  71,  384 
inde  fugere  46 

Indefinite  Article  57 

Indefinite  Pronouns :  see 
Pronouns 

Indicative 
Conditional  130,  411 
for  Imperative  116,412 
for  Subjunctive  117 


Future  125-9,  411 
Future    Perfect  119, 

123-4,  410 
Imperfect  120,  420-1 
Perfect  12 1-4,  422-31 
Pluperfect  123-4,  410, 

432 

Present  120,  273,  397, 
401,  403-5,  415,  416-9 
indicibilis  39 
induruit  224 
-inem  346  (3) 
infa(n)s  10,  311 
i(n)fans  171 
infantiliter  40 
i(n)feri  171,  219 
infernus  13 
Infinitive 

as  Noun  1 1 1 

Conjugations  396-407 

dicere  406 

esse  419 

facere  404 

for  Clause  iii 

for  Imperative  116 

for  Subjunctive  11 1, 117 

for  Supine  and  Gerund 
103,  104 

habere  400 

Passive  log 

Perfect  109 

with  habere  125-9, 4^' 

posse  403 

Present  Active  102,  109 

velle  403 

with  Accusative  82, 110 

infiare  31 
Inflections 

Forms  345-450 

Use  85-130 
infra-  27 
infraponere  27 
infri  219 
infurcare  25 

-ing  37 
ingenium  9 
ingens  259 
in  giro  48 


204 


Index. 


— ingus  37  (—incus) 

is  62-4,  67-8 

-iva  19 

in  hodie  47 

is—  =  ins—  his—  230 

iventa  311 

Initial  Syllable  228-30 

-is  =  -es  244,  '?6t;-6,  444 

-ivi  >•  -ii  >•  -i  423 

inlatus  32 

-IS  38 

-ivit  >■  -iut  -iit  >  -  it 

in  mane  47 

-iscere  34,  35 

-ivum  37 

in  medio  48 

Ischia  284 

-ivus  39 

innoce(n)ti  306 

ischola  230 

-ix  42 

innocus  226 

ischolasticus  230 

-izare  t,7,  74,  770 

in  odio  43 

-isco  for  -esco  197,  414 

—L^€LV  33 

inprobus  32 

iscripta  2^0 

izophilus  xxi 

inquid  282 

-iscus  39 

in  quo  ante  254 

is  ipse  64 

j  271 

-inquus  37  (-incus) 

ismaragdus  230 

jacente(m)  309 

ins—  —  is—  230 

isperabi  230 

jacis  244 

in  semel  47 

ispose  230 

Jacobus  it;o,  12q 

hisiemcmente  41 

-issa  37 

Jacomus  329 

insola  232 

-issare  -xx 

iaerante  220  (i) 

Jo  y 

instruo  =  struo  230 

isse  313 

jaiant  229  (3) 

ins^iOla  171,  2XK^  284 

-isse  161 

jajunus  229  (i) 

intcitamento  260 

-issem  161 

jambe  263 

inte(g)nim  270 

-issimus  166 

-jan  36 

Interamico  307 

istare  230 

janarius  226 

Interanniensis  307 

istatuam  230 

jaquir  343 

Interrogatives :  see  Pro- 

iste 6'?-8,  '?Q0-2 

jauzei  426 

nouns 

iste  hie  64 

jehan  343 

Intertonic  Vowel  231 

iste  ille  64 

jehir  343 

intra  96 

iste  ipse  64 

jejunus  229,  229  (i) 

intra-  27 

istudio  230 

jeniperus  229  (5) 

intratenere  27 

it  =  id  282 

jenua  229  (i) 

intravidere  46 

-it  =  -et  244,  444 

jenuarius  229  (i) 

intre  245 

ita  II 

jenne  208  (2) 

intro(r)sus  291 

Italia  224 

jiniperus  229  (5) 

intus  in  49 

Italic  Tribes  i,  2 

Joanneni  359  (i) 

-inus  37,  42 

-itare  34,  35 

Joannentis  359  (2) 

-inus  39 

-itas  37 

Joannis  244 

-io  >•  -0  416 

-ite  >  -ite  448 

jocus  12 

ipsa  mente  41 

-iter  40 

jovenis  208  (2),  217 

ipse  61-8,  390-2 

-itia  37,  277 

jovis  367 

ipse  ille  64 

-ities  37 

jubari  322 

ipse] us  390 

-itis  >  -ftis  448 

jubem(m)us  163 

ipsimus  66 

-ittus  37 

jubenis  318 

ipsud  390 

-itudo  37 

jubentutis  318,  322 

ipsujus  390 

-itus  42  (2),  436,  438,  4^0, 

jubere  11 

ipsus  390 

441 

Judaizare  19 

iraisser  413 

-itus  435,  438-9 

judicat  424 

irascere  413 

-ium  37 

judicius  347 

ire  126  (5),  405 

-iunt  >  -unt  416 

judico  239 

-ire  33,  34 

-ius  39 

judigsium  278 

Index. 


205 


juglus  233 
Julianenis  359 
Julianeta  37  (-ittus) 
Julitta  37  (-ittus) 
juncxi  305 
juniperus  229  (5) 
junxi  429 
J  up  (p)  iter  163 
jurdtoriu  39 
juria  272 
jur(i)go  219 
jusso  355  (i) 
justicia  276 
justitia  276,  277 
justius  277 
juv(e)nis  235 
juventa  356  (3) 
juvente  318 
juxta  81,  96 

k  246,  253 

kadamitatem  289  (3) 

kanditos  =  candidus  330 

karessemo  201 

Karica  37  (-icca) 

kaukoulato  —  cal-  288 

kleme(n)s  311 

kozous  —  conjux  311,  339 

kumate  298 

ky  =  qui  187,  223 

1 :  see  Liquids 

ly  274 
la  =  ilia  392 
Labials 

Assimilation  313 

b  315-9 
initial  316 
intervocalic  318 

by,  py,  vy  273,  319 
f  320-1 

Fall   of  Vowel  after 

Labial  235-6 
Influence  on  Vowels  217 
P  312-4 
u  326 
V  322-5 

after  liquid  323 


intervocalic  324 
Voicing  314 
laborait  =  -avit  424 
laceus  254 
lacte  367 
lactem  347 

lacus  (2d  decl.)  355  (i) 

ladro  372 
ladrone  372 
IjEtiscere  34 
lambros  331 
lamna  235 
lampada  356  (3) 
lampa(s)  38,  144,  335 
lancia  224 
la(n)terna  306 
lanutus  42 
lapsus  315 

laqueum  347  ;  cf.  254 
lardum  237 
Latinization  i,  2 
latrone  (nom.)  367 
lat(t)  rones  164 
lattucae  266 
Lauriatus  224 
lausenga  37  (-ing) 
lauzi  443 

Lazis=  Ladiis  339 

lealis  263 

lebat  318 

lebis  318 

lebra  256 

lectio  9 

lectus  -um  347 
lectus  (p.p.)  440 
legare  201 
leges  259 
legit  259 
legui  428 
leniit  423 
lenticula  42 
lentis  (nom.)  367 
leo  38 
leticia  276 
levare  34 
leviarius  39 
levior  377 
levitus  435,  439 


lexi  428,  429 
Liaison  133,  159 
liamen  263 
libe(n)s  311 
liberie  298 

libertas  (nom.  pi.)  357  (i) 

libraria  37 

ligare  201,  263 

ligna  (sg.)  352 

lignum  -us  172  (2),  347 

liminare  37 

linguas  (nom.)  357 

liniamenta  224 

Linking  133,  159 

lintium  224 

Liquids 
Assimilation  293 
Dissimilation  292 
Fall  of  Vowel  after 

Liquid  237 
Fall  of  Vowel  before 

Liquid  233-4 
1  287-9 
ly  274 

Metathesis  294 

r  290-6 

rs  291 

ry  296 
lit(t)era  163 
lit(t)us  163 
Livitta  37  (-ittus) 
11  >1  161 
Have  288 
Locative  86 
locun  305 
locuplens  311 
lociiplex  255 
lodi  443 
loir  166 
longa  mente  41 
longe  40 
longior  377 
longius  377 
longum  tempus  13 
loquella  42 
loreola  213 
Lost  Words  1 1-4 
lotus  213 


2o6 


Index. 


luce  (dat.)  244 

mam(m)anis  359 

matutinus  13 

lucere  399 

mammula  13 

maurus  336 

lucire  400 

manducare  13 

maxime  56 

lucor  37 

mane  13 

maximus  56,  220,  238,  297 

lucto  355  (l) 

man(i)ca  239 

maxumus  220 

lucus  =  locus  205 

manicd  37  (-icca) 

Meanings  of  Words  7-10 

ludus  12 

maniplus  42,  233 

Change  of  Meaning  8- 

lugere  399 

manos  355  (i) 

10 

lugire  400 

mansi  429 

mecu  309 

luminem  347 

mansio  12 

Medea  190 

lunae  dies  89 

mansorius  39 

Medentius  338 

luoghi  -ora  349 

mansus  441 

media  272 

lurdus  207  (i) 

manuaria  18 

medianus  39 

luridus  166,  207  (i) 

manuplus  42 

medicus  239 

luxi  429 

manus  (masc.  and  fern.) 

medio  die  43 

luxuria  355  (2) 

medio  loco  43 

ly  274 

manu  tenere  46 

medius  272 

Maps :  pp.  X,  xi 

meletrix  292 

m :  see  Nasals 

Marcianus  278 

melior  377 

ma  =  mea  388 

Marculus  284 

melius  56,  377 

-/Att  38 

mare  (fern.)  349 

melum  195  (5) 

machina  144 

marem  347 

membras  352 

machinari  9 

mares  —  -is  244 

memoramus  (perf.)  424 

macra  376 

mari  -e  364 

-men  37 

madias  =  majas  272 

marinarius  39 

mendatium  276 

madio=:majo  272 

maris  (masc.  and  fern.) 

me(n)sa  311 

madrema  388 

347,  349 

mense(m)  309 

maestati  259 

markensis  39 

mensi  (pi.)  368 

maester  259 

marmor  (fem.)   353;  cf. 

me(n)sis    171,    198,  201, 

magias  =  majas  272 

347,  369 

3" 

magida  =  38,  145 

ma(r)mor  292;  cf.  347,353 

me(n)sor  311 

ma(g)is  56,  71,  74,  84,  157, 

marmora  351 

mensorium  37 

259 

marmorem  347,  369 

menta  184 

ma(g)ister  259 

marrir  407 

-mente  41 

magnisonans  44 

marrjan  407 

mente  habere  46 

magnus  12 

Marsianesses  277 

mentire  409 

Maia  188,  222 

Marsuas  187 

-mentum  37 

Maiiam  222 

Marsyas  187 

mentus  347 

mais  =  magis  157,  259 

mas  =  magis  157 

menus  201 

major  170,  377 

mascel  242 

mercatus  (2d  decl.)  355  (i) 

mala  mente  41 

Masculine :  see  Gender 

meretis  232 

male  40 

masc(u)lus  234 

meridies  281  (2) 

male  habitus  44 

masma  =  maxima  238 

mer(i)to  237 

malicia  276 

massa  338 

mers  =  merx  255 

malleus  274 

mate(r)  295 

Messac  277 

mal(l)o  161 

materia  355  (2) 

messui  428 

malus  malus  55 

matrona(s)  298 

messura  37 

inam(m)a  16,  359 

mat(t)rona  164 

met-  24,  66 

Index. 


Metathesis  245,  255,  289 

(0,  294 
Metiacus  277 
metipse  24,  66 
metipsimus  66 
metitus  441 
tneubU  204  (i) 
meus  =  mi  87 
mextum  =  maestum  255 
mezzo  272 

mi  =  meus  -a  87,  387 
mi  =  mihi  250,  385 
miaulare  17 
michi  252 
mienta  184 
migat=:  micat  256 
mihe  244 
milex  255 
mille  161,  381 
millefolium  38 
mil(l)ia  i6i 
mimoriaj  229  (2) 
minester  201 
ministeri(i)  89,  227 
mi(ni)sterium  231 
minist(r)orum  292 
minor  377 
minsis  198,  201 
minus  201,  377 
minus-  29,  245 
>•  mis-  245 
minus  credere  29 
minus  est  29 
minus  pretiare  46 
mi  nut us  10 

mirabilia    37,    229  (4), 
231 

mis  —  meis  388 
mis-  245 
miscere  399 
misculare  35 
misera  376 
mis(s)i  161,  163,  429 
missorium  37 
mis(s)us  441 
mistus  440 
mixticius  39 
mobilis  204  (i),  217 


moc  428  I 
modernus  18 
modo  modo  40 
moere  =  mov-  324 
Moesia  187 
molui  428 
molutus  439 
monarchia  37 
monasterium  182 
-monia  37 
monibam  420 
moniti  —  mu-  228 
-monium  37 
mo(n)strare  311 
monumento  =  -um  244 
Mood  1 1 5-9 
morbu(s)  298 
mordere  399 
morire  406 
moriri  406 

Morphology  345-450 
morsi  429 
morsus  441 
mortificare  46 
mortu(u)s  226 
mossus  438,  440,  441 
motto  187 
movi  428 
movit  244 

movita  37;  cf.  438,  439 
movitus  438,  439;  cf.  37 
movutus  438,  440 
muc(c)us  163 
tnueble  204  (i) 
mul'erem  225 
mulier  9,  136 
mulieris  136 
mullus  187 
mulsi  429 
multum  74 
multus  71 

muntu  "  multum  289  (2) 
mur  206 
murare  229  (5) 
muri  -a  349 
muritta  37  (-ittus) 
murta  187 
mutare  229  (5) 


I  Mute  -f-  Liquid  132,  160 
mut(t)ire  162 
myrta  187 
Mysia  187 
mysterium  182,  187 

n :  see  Nasals 
n  -j-  fricative  171,  311 
ny  274 
nacui  428 
nam  11 

narratus  37  (-ta) 
Nasals  303-1 1 
Final  or  +  Cons.  304-6 
-m  falls  309 
-n  falls  310 
mn  307 

n -I- fricative  171,  311 
ny  274 

nasco  255 
nascutus  438 
nasum  -us  347 
natatorium  37 
nativitas  37 
natus  13,  438 
naucella  13 
naufragus  325 
nautat  236 
navicella  37 
navitat  236 
ne  14,  75,  83,  229  (2) 
Nebitta  37  (-ittus) 
nebula  235 
necare  9 
necator  37 
necatus  435,  440 
necavi  428 
nec  ente  71 
nec  unus  71 
ne  ente  7 1 
negare  263 
negat  256 
Negation  75 
negliencia  259 
nemo  71 
neofiti  334 
nepoti(s)  298 
ne'ps'unus  71 


2o8 


Index. 


nepta  37 

Nouns  345-73 

ta  (Greek)  185 

neptia  37 

see  Declension  and  Gen- 

ob 14,  79 

neptilla  13 

der 

ob-  28 

Nerba  317,  323 

nous  177,  324 

obdormire  28 

nerbo  323 

nova(i)nta  380 

obferre  32 

nerf222, 

novellus  13 

obliscor  324 

Neroua  322 

novius  207  (2) 

oblitare  34 

nervia  349 

noxeus  224 

obprimere  32 

nervus  323,  349 

ns  171,  311 

observasione  277 

Neuter :  see  Gender 

nubis  366 

oc  251 

ni  —  ne  229  (2) 

nuUi  (gen.)  395 

occansio  311 

nichil  251 

nullus  71,  395 

occidere  212 

niepos  177 

num  83 

occubavit  256 

ni(g)rum  270 

Numerals  57-8,  378^2 

occu(m)bas  306 

nihil  71,  250,  251 

Accent  142 

occurire  406 

nil  250 

nummus  328 

-occus  37 

nimpae  332 

nun  —  non  203 

ocio  276 

nise  229  (4) 

nunc  12 

ocium  276 

nitidus  238 

nuncius  276 

octa(gi)nta  380 

nittus  238 

nuncquam  305 

oc(u)lus  219,  234 

nivicare  18,  33 

nunqua(m)  305,  306,  309 

odedere  426 

nobe  318 

nupsi  297 

Odissia  187 

nobilis  11 

nutrire  166,  229  (5) 

ce  215 

nobis  318,  385 

nutritio  37 

ce  for  ae  and  e  215 

nocere  399 

nutritura  37 

offeret  406 

nocui  223, 328 

ny  274 

offerire  406 

noembrios  324 

nynfis  306 

offers!  429 

noembris  324 

offertus  435,  440 

noicius  324 

0  165,  167,  177,  197,  202-5, 

offla  235 

nolo  161 

etc. 

oi  >  oe  >■  e  192,  215 

nome  336 

accented  202-5 

ot  (Greek)  192 

nomem  305 

5  202-4 

ola  213 

nomas  =  nomina  369 

0  >  9  i97>  203 

oleo  274 

Nominative  97,  100,  373, 

ou  ^  Qu  167 

oleum  38,  274 

383 

0  >  u  202 

oli  274 

Absolute  97 

0  >  ou  203 

oli(m)  309 

non  75,  203 

6  165,  205 

olio  274 

nona(i)nta  380 

0  !>*  9  205 

omnes  ~  -is  244 

nonna  16 

0  >uo  177 

omnimodus  44 

nonnita  37  (-ittus) 

0  for  au  212-3 

omnis  12,  71 

nonnitus  37  (-ittus) 

oi     ce  ^  8  192,  215 

omo  251 

nonnus 16 

— omus  44*^ 

noptiae  207  (2) 

ou>  ou  167 

on  71 

nora  208  (3) 

unaccented  219, 228, 229 

-on  36 

Normannice  40 

(6),  243,  244 

-ov  38 

norus  208  (3) 

u6  >  0  225 

-wv  38 

notrire  229  (5) 

-0  37,  40 

-ones  40 

noii  40 

0  (Greek)  186 

-oneus  39 

Index. 


209 


-onius  39 

-ons  446 
-o(n)sus  311 
onus  II 
06  >  o  225 
operare  409 

ophekion  =  officium  334 
opprobare  28 
-or  37,  42 

feminine  346  (2) 

-or  >  -re  245 

-or  >  -ura  42 
ora=:  hora  251 
oracionem  276 
orata  =  aur-  212 
oratia=  Hor-  251 
oratorium  37 
orbus  9 

Order  of  Words  50-3 
Ordinal  Numerals  382 

-orem  346  (3) 
oricla  212,  229  (7) 
oridium  339 
-orium  37 
-orius  39 
07-ma  186,  337 
ornatura  37 
orphanus  186 
ortaret  432 
ortus  =  hor-  251 
orum  =  aurum  212 
orzo  272 
OS  (masc)  349 
-OS  (Greek)  38 
Oscan  2 

-osco  >  -usco  197,  202-3 
ossiculum  42 
ossuculum  42 
ossulum  37 
ossum  356  (3) 
ostensio  37 
ostensor  37 
ostentare  34 
ostia  =  hos-  251 
ostium  202 
ostrum  =  aus-  212 
ot  =  ant  213,  229  (7) 
ote  =  aut  213,  229  (7) 


Otia  277 

otobris  266 
otogentos  266 
-ottus  37 
ov  (Greek)  193 
9u  >■  ou  167 

Ouiouia  =  Vibia  318.  322 
oum  167,  324 
ovum  167,  217,  324 
oze  =:  hodie  272 
ozie  =  hodie  272 

p:  see  Labials 

paceveci  =  pacifici  321 
pagandum  256 
paganus  8,  263 
pa(g)e(n)sis  39,  259 
palanca  332 
palasium  277 

Palatalization  258-62, 

272-8,  296 
Palatals  271-8,  296 

by  273 

c' :  see  Gutturals 

cy  276,  278 
dy  272 

g' :  see  Gutturals 

gy  272 
j  271 
ly  274 
ny  274 

py  273 

ry  296 

scy  275 

ssy  275 

sty  275- 

sy  275 

ty  276-7 

vy  273 
palatium  277 
palleum  224 
palma  145 
palpebrum  352 
palpres  134 
pandiderunt  426 
pani  364 
panneus  39 
pantaisar  332 


paor  324 

papaver  (masc.)  347,  369 
papilionis  (nom.)  367 
pap(p)a  -us  16 
papyrius  39 
parabula  144,  236 
parabulare  155 
paradisus  190 
paraula  236,  318 
parcui  428 
parecer  414 
parens  10,  12 
parentis  (nom.)  367 
parentorum  368 
pari  364 

par(i)etes  136,  225 

parietibus  224 

Partgi  86,  227 

pari  mente  41 

Paris  86 

Parisiis  227 

parsi  429 

parsus  439,  441 

part  160 

partentem  416 

Participle 
Put.  Active  106 
Put.  Passive  105,  408 
Perfect  102,  108,  434-41 
Present  102,  104,  107, 
408 

Particles  156-8 
particularis  39 
partunt  416 
parutus  438,  439 
pasmer  300 
passans  39 
passi(m)  309 
Passive  11 2-4,  409 
passes  355 
paucum  tempus  13 
paucus  71 
paul(l)um  161 
Paulus  -onis  362 
paupera  376 
pauperorum  376 
pausa  38 
pavi  428 


2IO 


Index. 


pa(v)onem  324 

perpenna  292 

plus  167 

pa(v)orem  124. 

persi  429 

placentia  37 

pavura  42 

pe(r)s(i)ca  2"?q 

plach  154 

pavutus  440 

persona  71 

placuit  22"?,  -126 

paze  260 

Personal  Pronouns :  see 

plagiare  33 

pectinare  33 

Pronouns 

plan  git  2i;q 
Xr      0  jy 

pectorem  347 

persus  4.41 

plantare  33 

pediculus  42 

Pesaro  151 

planura  37 

pedis  (nom.)  367 

pessica  291 

planxi  429 

peduclum  234 

pessimus 

platea  146,  190 

peduculus  42 

pestio  284 

plaudisti  426 

peior  170,  vn 

pestulum  284 

pJepS  2Q7,  -?ic 

ceius  xii 

r^J"^  J/ / 

petit  423 

plicare  10,  435 

pelegrinus  292 

Petrus  -onis  362 

plicatus  435 

pellabor  293 

petto  160 

plodere  213 

pellicere  293 

peuma  268 

ploja  169,  208  (4),  273 

pelliee  20-1 

ph:  see  Greek  Consonants 

plostrum  212 

pello  293 

phalanx  181 

plotus  212,  213 

pendutus  441 

pharetra  145 

plovere  i6q.  208  (4"),  217 

pedi^sare  171,  "^ii 

phaselus  334 

pluere  i6q,  208  (4),  217 

pensi  429 

Phasis  181 

Pluperfect  118, 123-4, 410 

pensus  441 

Phebus 192 

Penult  232-9 

phiala  145 

Pluperfect  Subjunctive 

per  14.,  70,  q^,  06,  oq 

philosophia  37 

118,  123, 433 
plurigo  =  pr-  292 

per  >>  pel  293 

philus  184 

/>er  160 

phimus  184 

plus  56,  74 

per-  26 

Phitonis  332 

pluvia  169,  208  (4),  27-1 

percolopabat  2^7 

phitoniss3B  332 

poco  40 

perdedit  139,  426 

plioca  185 

podium  272 

perdita  17  (-ta) 

Phoebus  192 

poella  208 

perdonare  26 

Phonology  131-344 

pcEna  192 

perdutus  4^8,  /L'\Q 

Phyebae  =  Phcebe  215 

poeta  192 

/^r^  160 

piano  40 

poggio  272 

pere(g)rinus  270 

pictus  440 

polippus  145 

peres=  pedes  281  (2) 

pietas  298 

pollicare  37 

Perfect  121-4,  410,  422-31 

pietra  160 

pollulum  213 

Strong  427-31 

pignus  172  (2) 

pais  370 

Weak  422-6 

pi(g)ritia  270 

poltre  134 

Perfect  Participle :  see 

Pilipus  332 

polve  370 

Participle 

pinctus  440 

polvo  370 

Perfect  Subjunctive  119, 

pint  365 

polypus  145 

123-4 

pinxi  429 

pomex  207  (2) 

per  giro  48 

piper  38,  183,  347,  369 

pon(e)re  239 

per  girum  40 

piperem  347,  369 

pontevecem  321 

peria(t)  285 

pirata  144,  190 

pontivicatus  256 

Periphrastic  Future  126 

Pisaurese  297 

pontufex  220 

perit  423 

Pisaurum  151 

poplex  255 

perlum  =  pra;-  294 

pitocco  185 

pop(u)lus  10,  235 

Index. 


211 


por  14 

porcellus  37 
porphyreticum  187 
portare  12 

posi  =  posui  428,  429 
Position  160-4 
positus  238,  439 
posmeridianus  285 
posse  126  (3),  403  (i) 
Possessives:  see  Pro- 

nouDS 
POSS0403  (i) 
pos(t)  96,  285 
postea  275 
pos(t)quam  11,  285 
posturus  238 
postus  238 

Post-Verbal  Nouns  21 

posiieram  285 
posuet  244 
posui(t)  285 
potebam  403  (i) 
potebo  403  (i) 
poteo  403  (i) 
potere  403  (i) 
fdteri  410 
potestas  356  (3) 
potionare  33 
pot  is  17 
potius  74 
prag  14 
prje-  28 
prrEber(e)  242 
prjECOca  376 
praeda  209 
praedestinare  28 
prajdiscer(e)  242 
praefetto  266 
praegna(n)s  255,  311 
praestare  31 
prasstavi  422,  430 
praestus  376 
prandium  272 
pranzo  272 
pre-  28 
prebiter  300 
preda  209 
Prefixes  21-32 


pregnax  =  praegnans  255  ; 

cf.  311 
prendere  225,  250 
prendiderunt  426 
prendo  250 
prensi  429 
prensio  37 
prensus  441 

Prepositions  76-81,  85-9 

presbyter  148,  300 

presbyterum  148 

Present  120 
for  Future  126  (i) 
Stems  273,  397,  401, 
403-5,  415,  416-9 

presentis  (nom.)  367 

presium  277 

press i  429 

pressorium  37 

pressura  37 

pressus  441 

presta  210 

presteti  139 

prete  300 

pretium  277 

preveire  300 

pride (m)  309 

primitius  324 

principens  367 

pri(n)cipis  306 

Prixsilla  255 

pro  14,  79,  95 

pro-  28 

probai  424 

Proclitics  156-8 

prodis  17 

Progne  330 

proles  II 

prolongare  28 

promptulus  39 

Pronouns  59-71,  383-95 
Demonstrative  61-8 
Indefinite  71,  395 
Interrogative  69- 

70,  393-4 
Personal  60,  67,  384-6 
Possessive  60,  387-8 
Relative  69-70,  393-4 


Pronunciation  131-344 

prophetissa  37 
prophetizare  19 
propietas  292 
propio  292 
propter  14,  79,  96 
provata  318 
provitus  435,439 
proximus  377 
psallere  36,  337 
ptisana  145 
pudicicia  276 
pugnus  172  (2) 
pulvus  347,  370 
punctus  440 
puni  =  poni  203 
punidor  39 
punxi  429 
pupillabus  358 
puplu  309 
pup(p)a  163 
pure  40 
puritas  37 

purpura    145,    186,  330, 
332 

purpureticum  187 
putator  —  po-  229  (6) 
puteolis  136 
puteum  347 
putrire  400 
putrisco  400 
puulva  356  (3) 
Pyrrhus  187 
pyxis  187 

q  246,  252,  etc. 

qu  223,  226,  254 

qu  >  k,  226,  254 
qua  82 

quadraginta  142,  380;  cf . ' 
259 

quadra(i)nta  380 
qua^ro  283 
quaisi  426,  429 
quaestus  436,  440 
quails  70,  71,  394 
quamta  306 
quan  305 


212 


Index. 


quando  14,  82,  281 
quannu  281 
Quantity  i59-77>  221 
Development  of  New 

Quantity  176-7 
Disappearance  of  Old 

Quantity  173-5 
Doubtful  Quantity  166 
'  Length  before  Conso- 
nants 170-2 
Position  160-4 
Unaccented  Vowels  1 74, 
221 

Vowels  in  Hiatus  167-9 
Vowel  Length  165-77 
Words  from  Other  Lan- 
guages 174-5 

quantu(m)  309 

quantus  12,  71 

quare  12,  82 

quarranta  142,  259,  380 

quase  244 

quasi  83,  219,  244 

quat(t)or  226,  379 

quattordecim  379 

quat(t)ro  226,  245,  379 

quel  393 

quejus  393 

que(m)  309 

quen  305,  309 

querceus  39 

quercinus  39 

querel(l)a  42 

questor  210 

questus  210 

quetus  225 

qui  69,  71,  393 

qui  =  quia  82 

qui  =  ky  187,  223 

quia  82,  no,  168 

quiaeti  209 

quicumque  71 

quid  350 

quidem  11 

quiensces  311 

quietus  225 

quia  II 

quinqua(gi)nta  142,  380 


quinque  172  (i),  200 
Quintrio  =  Win-  344 
quippe  II 
quique  71 
quiritare  229 
quis  69,  71,  350,  393 
quisque  71 
quisquis  71 
quo  73 

quo  =  quod  282 
quoad  11 

quod  14,  82,  no,  282,  350 
quodlubet  220 
quomodo  14,  82 

>  comodo  226 
quoniam  14,  82,  no 
quooperta  —  co-  254 
quoque  11 
quot  12,  71 
quot  =  quod  282 
quum  >  cum  226 

r :  see  Liquids 

rs  >  ss  291 
rabies  319 
radius  272 
raj  nan  te  =  reg-  269 
raggio  272 
rama  (pi.)  361 
ramenc  37  (-incus) 
rancura  42 
ranucula  42 
rap(i)dus  239 
rasi  429 

rasio  —  ratio  277 

ratio  277 

razzo  272 

re-  23,  25 

recapitulare  25 

reef  pit  139 

recolli(g)endo  259 

Recomposition  31,  32,  139 

rectus  440 

recubitus  37  (-ta) 

reculons  40 

reddedi  31,  139 

redempsi  429 

redemti  313 


redft  423 
redivit  =  -bit  318 
refusare  17 
re(g)alis  263 
re(g)ina  259 
regis  =  -es  244 
regnancte  267 
regnum  172  (2) 
Relatives :  see  Pronouns 
reli(n)quat  306 
relinque  =  -it  285 
remasit  3 11 
Remidium  272 
remissa  37  (-ta) 
renegat 139 
renum  =  reg-  269 
Repetition  40,  55,  74 
replenus  23 
repositorium  37 
reprehensus  250 
requaerere  25,  139 
requaerit  139 
requebit  225 
res  10,  71,  355  (2) 

res  nata  13,  71 
respondere  399,  449 
responduntur  449 
responsi  429 
restitueram  285 
restivus  39 
resurge(n)s  311 
retenere  31,  139 
retenet  139 
retere  =  reddere  286 
retina  17 
retro  81 
retro-  28 
retro  (r)  sum  291 
retundus  229  (6) 
reuuardent  344 
reve(r)sus  291 
reversus  sum=  reverti  410 
revolutio  37 
rexi  297,  429 
rhetor  335 
rhetorissare  33 
richesse  341 
rictu  =  rectum  198 


Index. 


213 


ridere  399 

rideri  409 

riges  =  re-  198 

rigna  198 

rikitia  341 

Rimini  86 

ripidus  39 

riqueza  341 

risi  429 

risus  441 

rius  241,  324 

rivaticus  =  rip-  314 

rivocaverit  229  (2) 

roborem  347 

robur  9,  347 

rogavo  =  -bo  318 

ro(g)itus  259,  435 

Romance  Territory :  p.  xi 

Roman  Empire :  p.  x 

Romanice  40 

Romanu  (nom.)  372 

-pos  38 

rosi  429 

rosum  =  ros  356  (3) 
rosus  441 

roubon  36,  341,  398 
rs  >■  ss  291 
rub  are  36,  341,  398 
rubeus  319 
rugiada  356  (3) 
rura  351 
ru(r)sum  291 
russum  291 
rutare  34 

s :  see  Sibilants 
final  s  in  ist  pars.  pi. 

445 

initial  s  +  cons.  230 

scy,  ssy, sty,  sy  275 
sa  =  ipsa  392 
-sa  37  (-ta) 
sabbatizare  19 
sablum  235 
sacra  376 
sacramentum  231 
sacrista  -anis  359 
sacrisiano  359 


sacritus  =  SidKpiros  272 

saeculum  (masc.)  349 

sa;pes  sepes  saeps  209,  367 

sa;pia  182 

saginse  42 

Sagitta  37  (-ittus) 

sagma  19,  268;  (fem.)  349 

Saguntum  338 

sa'ine  42 

sainl  267 

sdlbatec  229  (3) 

salbum  317 

salii  422,  428 

salitus  436,  440 

salivi  428 

salma  268 

salsi  428,  429 

salsus  440,  441 

saltern  11 

salticulare  35 

salvage  229  (3) 

salvatico  229  (3) 

salvaticus  229  (3) 

sanctissimus  377 

san(c)tus  172  (i),  267 

sandal  330 

sanguem  370 

sanh  267 

sapcha  272 

sapere  402 

sapiam  272 

sapidus  39 

sapienti  (pi.)  368 

sappia  272 

sapui  426,  428 

satis  74 

sauma  268 

scabia  355  (2) 

sc?ena  182,  210 

scalciare  =  excalceare  230 

scandalizare  19 

scaplas  234 

Sca(u)rus  211  (i) 

seen a  182 

schema  19 

schernire  341 

schiatta  343 

schictto  343 


schioppo  284 
sclitib.  (stlis)  284 
scloppus  284 
scopulus  38 
scoriare  =  excor-  230 
scriba  -anis  359 
scripit  312  (i) 
scripsi  315,  429 
scriptum  315 
scri(p)tus  313,  440 
scrivano  359 
scultor  313 
se  —  si  229  (4) 
se—l  419  (i) 
sead  =  sit  419  (2) 
sebe  =  sibi  201 
secatus  435,  440 
secula  200  (3) 
secu(n)do  306 
seciintur  254 
sed  II,  14 
sed  —  se  229  (4) 
seda7io  335 
sed(e)cim  239 
sedere  =  esse  402,  419 
seditur  399 
sedui  428 
sedutus  441 
segnai  =  signavl  424 
segolo  200  (3) 
sei^ic)  (i) 
sel  160 
selinum  150 
sem  419  (i) 
Semele  359 
semita  239 
semo  419  (i) 
semper  semper  74 
sempre  245 
semul  201,  201  (2) 
senape  184 

senatus  (2d  decl.)  355  (i) 

sene  =  sine  201 

senex  12 

senper  306 

senta  =  semita  239 

sentam  416 

sententem  416 


214 


Index. 


senti  298 

sentia  421 
sentii  428,  429 
sentitus  436,  441 
sentor  37 

separate  seperare  231,  233 

sepelitiis  436,  440 

sepes  209 

sepia  146,  182 

seppia  182 

sepsies  277 

septa  (gi)nta  380 

septe(m)  309 

septrum  260 

septuazinta  339 

septum  209 

sepulchrum  251 

sequere  406 

sequire  406 

serbare  323 

serbat  323 

serbus  317 

Serios  =:  Sergius  272 

serore  =  so-  229  (7) 

serpentinus  37 

serra  =  sera  247 

serutinus  16 

servare  323 

servicium  276 

servire  323 

servisium  277 

servitium  276,  277 

servitude  37 

ses  =  es  419  (i) 

;<?/4i9  (I) 

sest  =  est  419  (i) 

set  =  est  419  (i) 

set  =  sed  282 

seta  209 

setaceus  39 

setis  =  estis  419  (i) 

settembres  313 

seus  =  suus  387 

oi  14,  83,  229  (4) 

si  =  sibi  385 

siam  419  (2) 

siamus  419  (2) 

sibe  219,  244 


sibi  201,  219,  221,  244,  385 
sibi  219,  244,  385 

Sibilants  297-302,  etc. 
final  s  298,  445 
initial  s  -j-  cons.  230 
scy,  ssy,  sty,  sy,  275 
ss  >  s  161 

2 :   see  Greek  Conso- 
nants 

sic  264 

Sicilianus  39 

sidibus=  se-  198 

siede  419  (i) 

siem  419  (2) 

siete  419  (i) 

siffatto  264 

siffler  318  (2) 

sifilus  318  (2) 

signum  -us  172  (2),  347 

sigricius  =  secretius  256 

silevit  422,  428 

simus  220,  419  (i) 

sinapis  -e  -i  38,  150,  184, 

337 
sinatus  228 
sine  95,  201 
sinexter  201  (3) 
-sio  37 

sirena  356  (3) 
sis  =  si  vis  324 
sive  11 
skena  341 
skernon  341 
skiuhan  343 
slahta  343 
sleht  343 
soaru  295 
soave  224 
sobreus  224 
socera  37 

soc(e)rum  232,  233 
soef 

sofferire  406 
sol  13 

solacium  276 
sola  niente  41 
solatium  276 
solbere  317 


solbit  323 
solia  224 
soliculus  13,  18 
sol(i)dus  237 
solingo  37  (-incus) 
solo  (dat.)  395 
solsi  429 

soltus  438,  439,  440 
soluit  224 
solus  395 
solutus  438 
solvitus  438,  439 
soma  268 
somos  419  (i) 
sona  =  zona  338 
sonatus  435 
sons  419  (i) 
sophia  146 
-sor  37 

sorcerus  =  sortiarius  39 

(-arius) 
sordidius  377 
sorex  42,  213 
soricem  42,  213 
-sorium  37 
-sorius  39 
soro(r)  295 
sous  =  suus  167,  387 
sozer  154 
spacium  276 
spallere  337 
spandere  =  exp-  230 
Spania  230 
Spanus  230 
sparsi  429 
sparsus  441 
spasmus  144 
spat(h)a  332 
spat(u)la  12,  38,  234 
speca  =  spica  200  (3) 
speclarait  =  -avit  424 
spectante  r=  exp-  230 
spehon  343 
spelunca  329 

spene  2SS  (2) 
speni  from  spes  355  (2) 
speramus  =  -avimus  424 
sperantia  37 


Index. 


spes  355  (2) 

strucere  417 

sumus  220,  419  (i) 

spiritus  (2d  decl.)  355  (i) 

structus  440 

suora  295 

splorator  =  exp-  230 

struere  417 

suos  138 

spoliatur  =  -or  244 

strugere  417 

super  80,  90,  96 

spo(n)sus  171 

strumentum  =  inst-  230 

super-  26 

spontaneus  39 

struxi  429 

superabundare  26 

sguarciare  276 

stupescere  35 

superfacere  26 

ss  >•  s  161 

stup(p)a  163 

superstitis  (nom.)  367 

staacio  276 

suabitati  318 

Supine  103 

stablarius  231 

suadel(l)a  42 

sup(p)ra  164 

stagnum  (masc.)  349 

suavis  224 

sup(p)remis  164 

stahu  397 

Suavitta  37  (-ittus) 

supra-  26 

stais  397 

sub-  26 

suprafacere  26 

stait  397 

subaudire  26 

supre  245 

stantia  =:  inst-  230 

subcludere  26 

-sura  37 

stao  397 

subcumbere  32 

Surd  >■  Sonant :  see  Voic- 

stare 397 

Subjunctive  11 7-9 

ing 

stasio  277 

for  Imper.  116 

sursi  429 

static  277 

for  Indie.  117 

su(r)sum  291 

status  438 

Imperfect  118 

surtus  440 

state  397 

Perfect  119,  410 

sus  —  suus  226,  388 

staunt  397 

Plup.  =  Imperf.  118 

-sus  37,441 

stegola  200  (3) 

Pres.  397,403,  405,  415, 

sus(s)um  291 

stel(l)a  163 

419  (2) 

sutis  419  (i) 

Stephanus 183 

sublimus  376 

suus  60,  387-8 

steti  426,  428,  430 

submonsus  439,  441 

sy  =  ty  277 

stetii  426 

subornatris  255 

sycotum  141 

stetui  426,  428,  430 

subplantare  32 

Syllabication  13 1-3 

steva  200  (3) 

subsannare  26 

sympbonia  146,  332 

stiila  =  Stella  190 

Substitution  of  Words  13 

Syncope  219,  229,  231-9 

stingo  226 

subterranus  42 

Synonyms  12 

-stinxi  429 

subtus  81 

Syntax  50-130 

stipes  =  stips  367 

suc(c)us  163 

stirpis  (nom.)  367 

suceroni  362 

t :  see  Dentals 

stlataris  284 

sud  =  sub  315 

ty  276-7 

stlis  284 

sufferit  406 

-ta  37 

stloppus  284 

suffertus  435,  440 

tab(u)la  230 

storax  187 

Suffixes  33-42 

tactus  440 

stren(n)a  163 

Change  of  Suffix  42 

talentum  149,  330 

stren(n)uor  164 

for  Adj.  39 

talis  71 

Stress see  Accent 

for  Adv.  40,  4^ 

tamen  1 1 ,  14)  84 

striban  341 

for  Nouns  37,  38 

tan  306 

strictus  440 

for  Verbs  33-6 

tanctus  440 

strinctus  440 

Greek  Endings  36,  38 

tanger(e)  242 

strinxi  429 

suis  (nom.)  367 

tantu(m)  309 

strofa  334 

sulphurem  347,  369 

tantus  71 

stropa  334 

sumpsi  298 

tanxi  429 

stroppus  186 

sumptus  308 

tapinus  144 

2l6 


Index. 


tapis  182 
tapit  182 
tap(p)ete  162 
tarde  40 
tarir  342,  407 
-tas  37 
iasso  342,  343 
tata  16 ;  -anis  359 
Tatius  277 
tatus  16 
taula  236,  318 
taurellus  37 
taxi  429 

telebra  =  ter-  292 
tempaccio  39 
tempesta  356  (3) 
templus  347 
tempo  298 
tempus  13 
tenit  244 
ten(n)uis  164 
Tense  120-30 
tensi  429 
tensura  13 
tensus  441 
t^nueram  137 
tenui  428 
tenutus  438,  440 
Teodor  332 
-ter  40 
tercius  276 
Terentio  =  -us  298 
tergere  399 
ter  gum  -us  347 
termen  356  (3) 
terminaciones  276 
terra  (m)  309 
ter  si  429 
tersus  441 
-rt)%  38 
testa  13 
tetrus  376 
texui  428 
texutus  440 
thahso  342,  343 
tharrjan  342,  407 
theios  333 
thensaurus  311 


Theophilus  333 
thesauri  zare  19 
thesaurus  -um  189,  347 
threscan  342 
ti  =tibi  385 
-tiacum  277 
tibe  244 

tibi  221,  244,  385 
-tim  40 

timbre  187,  331 
timer  (fern.)  346  (2) 
timoratus  39 
timpitrt  369 
tinctus  440 
tinge  226 
tinguere  226 
tins  <[  census  260 
tinxi  429 
-tie  37 
Titius  277 
Tivoli  86 
toll(e)re  239 
tollitus  435,  439 
tolsi  428,  429 
tolui  428 

tomolus  "  "  tumu-  208 
tonatus  435 
tendere  399 
tonica  •  -  tu-  208 
tonsus  441 
-ter  37 
torcere  399 
terco  226,  399 
tereomatum  191 
-torium  37 
-tori  us  39 
torma  =  tu-  208 
ternus  186 
torqu(e)o  226,  399 
torsi  428 
tortus  440 
tot  71 
tot  204  (2) 
toto  (dat.)  395 
tot(t)us  12,  71,163,204(2), 
395 

totum  (adv.)  74 
tous  =  tuus  387 


tra-  26,  299 
trabucare  26 
tra cere  417 
tractatus  9 
tractus  440 
tradedit  31,  139 
traducir  299 
traduire  299 
Tragani  =  Traj-  259 
tragere  41 7 
trahere  417 
trans-  26,  299 
transannare  26 
tra(ns)duco  299 
tra(ns)jicio  299 
tra(ns)lucee  299 
tra(ns)mitte  299 
transplantare  26 
tra(ns)pono  299 
tra(ns)tulo  299 
tra(ns)veho  299 
traps  315 
trasporre  299 
travis  (nom.)  367 
traxi  429 
trebus  201 
trei  =  tres  379 
trei  298 
treis  177 
tremulat  235 
trepaliare  33 
trepalium  16 
tres  379 
trescar  342 
tnb(u)la  235,  352 
tribuna(l)  242,  289 
Trfcasses  151 
trienta  259 

trl(g)inta  142,  259,  380 
trinitas  37 
trinta  380 
tris  =  tres  198 
tristus  376 

triumphaut  241,  325,  424 
-trix  37 

irobaire  37  (-tor) 
Troge  =  -jaB  259 
Troja  170 


Index. 


217 


Troyes  151 
tructa  38,  185 
trutina  187 
tu  60 

tucti  204  (2) 
-tudo  37 
tuii  204  (2) 
tulerunt  450 
-tulus  >  -clus  234 
tum  =  tuum  226,  388 
tumum  187 
tuos  138 
-tura  37 
turrensis  39 
turri  -e  364 
-tus  37  (-ta),  440 
Tuscanus  39 
tutto  204  (2) 
tuttus  204  (2) 
tuus  226,  387-8 
ty  276-7 

ty>cy  277 

ty  >  sy  277 

u  165,  206-8,  etc. 
accented  206-8 
u  206-7 

u  >•  u  165,  206 
u  208 
u  >■  u  >■  o  165,  208 
u  cons.  222,  326 
u  178,  187,  192,  206,  220 
ui  216 

unaccented    219,  228, 
229  (5),  243,  244 
in  hiatus  222-6 
uo>-  o  226 
uu  >■  u  226 
u6  >  o  225 
uu  >■  u  226 
ubi  73 

-uc(c)us  37  (-icca) 

-uculare  35 

-uculus  42 

-udo  >■  -umen  42 

u  178,  187,  192,  206,  220 

-ugo  37  (-ago) 

ui  216 


-ula  37  (-ulus) 
Ulixes  187 
ultra  166 
-ulus  37,  39 

>■  -ellus  42 
-um  40 

Unaccented  Vowels :  see 
Vowels 

unde  10,  70,  73,  84,  393 

undecim  166,  379 

-undus  39 

ungo  226 

unguere  226 

unicornis  44 

unigenitus  44 

unire  34 

uno  (dat.)  429 

-unt  =  -ent  449 

unusio,  57,71,298,  378,395 

unu(s)  298 
unxi  429 
u6  >  o  225 
uo  unacc.  >  o  226 
uobit  =  obiit  177 
-ura  37,  42 
Uranus  193 
urbis  (nom.)  367 
urbs  12,  297,  315,  367 
-urem  346  (3) 
urps  297,  31  s 
usare  34 

Use  of  Cases  85-100 
Use  of  Inflections  85-130 
Use  of  Words  54-84 
usque  hodie  47 
ustiuni  202 

Ut  II,  14,  82,  III 

-uta  37  (-ta) 

utrum  1 1,  14,  83 

-utus  39,  42,  438,  440,  441 

uu  unacc.  >  u  226 

uuadius  344 

-uus  >  -itus  42 

uxo(r)  295 

uxore  (abl.)  244 

V :  see  Labials 
vacuus  42  195  (6),  223 


vadere  126  (5),  405 
vadum  344  ;  -us  347 
valde  237 
valla  (t)  224,  285 
Valinca  37  (-incus) 
vallensis  39 
valneas  —  ba-  316 
vanitare  34 
vaqua  =  vacua  223 
vaqui  =  vacui  223 
vastare  344 

vasus  -um  347,  356  (3) 
vea  =  via  201 
vecere  =  veh-  417 
vecinus  229  (4) 
veclus  234,  284 
vedea  421 
ve^ere  283 
vef  226 

vegere  =  veh-  417 
ve(he)mens  250 
vehere  417 
vel  II 

velle  126  (3),  403 
vendita  37  (-ta) 
vendutus  438 
vene  =  bene  316 
veni  428,  430 
veninum  42 
venire  126  (5) 
venitus  436,  438,  440 
venui  428,  430 
venuta  37  (-ta) 
venutus  436,  43S,  440 
ver  13 

verbex  =  vervex  323 
Verb  Forms 

Inflection :  see  Conju- 
gation 

Use  73,  101-30 
Verbs  :  see  Verb  Forms 
verbus  347,  349 
verecundia  231 
verecunnus  281 
vernac(u)lus  234 
vernum  tempus  13 
ve(r)sus  291 
vertragus  19 


2l8 


Index. 


vervex  323 
ves(s)ica  162 
vestibat  420 
vetatus  435 
vet(e)ranus  219,  231 
vettovaglia  154 
vetulus  12,  13,  234,  284 
vetus  13 

veyo  —  video  272-3 

vezem  445 

vezzo  278 

-vi  =  -vui  428 

via  167,201 

viaticum  8,  239 

vibi  =  bibi  318 

vibit  =i>ibit  316 

victore  (nom.)  367 

victualia  18,  37 

victurias  203 

vic(u)lus  234,  284 

videderunt  426 

video  272-3,  416 

videre  72,  272-3,  283,  416, 

428,  430,  438,  441 
videunt  416 
vidi  428,  430 
vido  —  video  416 
vidui  =  vidi  428,  430 
vidutus  438,  441 
viduus  226 
vie7ti  177 
vig(i)lat  259 
vi(gi)nti  ^42,  259,  380 
vilescere  34 
villa  10,  12,  358 
villabus  358 
Vincentzus  277 
vincisti  426 
vinctus  440 
vincui  428 
vincutus  440 
vindemiator  224 
vindico  239 
vindimia  197 
vindo  =  ve-  197 
vinia  —  -ea  224 
vinsi  428,  429 
vinti  380 


vinus  347 
virginem  233 
vir(i)diaria  237 
vir(i)dis  237 
vir(i)dura  18,  37 
viror  37 
virtus  10 

viscui  —  vixi  428,  429 

visit  =  vixit  25  5 ;  cf .  285, 428 

vistus  441 

visus  441 

vitellus  37 

vitium  278 

vitricus  13 

vit(u)lus  234 

vius  =  vivus  324 

vivacius  377 

vixcit  =:  vixit  255  ;  cf.  285, 
428 

vixi  255,  285,  428,  429 
vixi(t)  285  ;  cf.  255,  428 
vixutus  440 
vobis  385  ;  cf.  318 
Vocabulary  6-49 
vocatio  =  vac-  195  (6) 
Vocative  87 

vocitus  =  vacuus  42, 195  (6) 
vocitus  =  vocatus  435,  439 
vocuus    vac-  195  (6) 
Voice  1 12-4 

Voicing  256-7,  286,  297, 

314,  321 
volatilia  37 
volemus  403  (2) 
volere  =  velle  403  (2) 
voles  403  (2) 
volestis  403  (2) 
volimus  403  (2) 
volo7t  39  (-undus) 
volsi  429 

voltus  438,  439,  440 
voluntate  (nom.)  367 
volutus  438 
volvitus  438,  439 
voster  199  (i),  387 
vovis  =  vobis  318;  cf.  385 
Vowels  136-8,  165-245 
Accented  194-218 


Clerical  Pronun.  218 
Diphthongs  209-16 
Influence  of  Labials 

217 

Single  Vowels  194- 

208 

before  gn  172  (2) 
before  j  1 70 

before  n  -f-  fricative  171 
before  nk  172  (i) 
Breaking  177 
Celtic  Vowels  1 79 
Close  and  Open  165 
Differentiation  165 
German  Vowels  179 
Greek  Vowels  180-93 
in  hiatus  136-8,  167-9 
in  words  borrowed  by 
other  languages  1 74-5 
Latin  Vowels  178 
Position  160-4 
Quantity  165-77,  221 
Unaccented  219-45 
Final  Syl.  240-5 
in  hiatus  222-7 
Init.  Syl.  228-30 
Intert.  Syl.  231 
Penult  232-9 
Quantity  221 
Vulgar  Latin  3,  4 
Vulgar  Words  15,  19 
vulnus  (masc.)  349 

w  (Ger.)  344 
w  (Latin)  224 

Waddo  344 
wadum  344 
wahta  343 
walde  344 
Wandali  344 
warjan  344 
warnjan  36,  407 
wastare  344 
watan  19,  344 
werra  19,  344 
werrarius  39 
werrizare  33 
wi^arlon  342 


Index. 


2I( 


Wintrio  344 
wisa  344 
witan  36,  398 
Word  Order  50-3 
wost-  344 

X  246,  255,  266 

y  (Greek)  187 
y  (Latin)  224 
youxus  251 


z  246 

zabul(l)us  =  dia-  339 
zacones  =  dia-  339 
zaconus  =  dia-  272,  339 
zagante  229  (3) 
zanipogna  332 
zanuari  =  ja-  339 
zebus  '"'  die-  339 
Zefurus  187 
zelosus  339 
zerax  =  hierax  339 


zes  —  dies  272 
Zesu  =  Jesu  272,  339 
zeta  =  diseta  339 
zie  =  die  272 
zins  260 
^io  333 

ziziper  312  (i) 
Zodorus  =  Tiieo-  277 
Zogenes  =  Dio-  272 
zosum  =  deorsum  339 
Zouleia  =  Julia  272,  339 


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